As he marked the National Day of Prayer

May 4th, 2017 1:06 pm | By

Trump did a little bit to damage the separation of church and state, but not as much as his godbothering fans wanted. Sad!

President Donald Trump is seeking to further weaken enforcement of an IRS rule barring churches and tax-exempt groups from endorsing political candidates, though his executive order on religious freedom is disappointing some of his supporters.

As he marked the National Day of Prayer at the White House Thursday, Trump signed the order asking the IRS to use “maximum enforcement discretion” over the rarely enforced regulation, known as Johnson Amendment.

Ah no, the godbotherers wouldn’t like that. They want him to tear up the Johnson Amendment and then set fire to it.

Trump spoke to religious leaders at the Rose Garden, where he also announced he’ll visit Israel, Saudi Arabia and the Vatican — including a meeting with Pope Francis — on his first foreign trip.

The capitals of theocracy; nicely played.



Those theorists whose lives are most directly affected

May 4th, 2017 12:45 pm | By

There are different, clashing rules in play in this “how dare Rebecca Tuvel” issue. Let’s revisit the open letter to look at them:

Many published articles include some minor defects of scholarship; however, together the problems with this article are glaring. More importantly, these failures of scholarship do harm to the communities who might expect better from Hypatia. It is difficult to imagine that this article could have been endorsed by referees working in critical race theory and trans theory, which are the two areas of specialization that should have been most relevant to the review process.

Wait. Are they? Who says so? Why? Hypatia is a journal of feminist philosophy. Why is it expected to consult people in critical race theory and trans theory? Do people in critical race theory and trans theory consult feminists before publishing? I don’t think so. Why does feminism have to consult critical race theory and trans theory when critical race theory and trans theory don’t have to consult feminism? Why is this obligation always only one way?

A message has been sent, to authors and readers alike, that white cis scholars may engage in speculative discussion of these themes without broad and sustained engagement with those theorists whose lives are most directly affected by transphobia and racism.

But the lives of feminists are directly affected by trans ideology and rhetoric. There’s a lot of feminismphobia and misogyny in trans activism. Many trans activists on social media spend far more time verbally attacking feminists than they do anyone else. So why are feminist women obliged to consult experts in trans theory but not vice versa?

The letter gives a list of things Hypatia has to do, then explains further:

These steps are especially important, considering that areas such as trans and race theory have historically been underrepresented and excluded from the field of feminist philosophy.

But feminist philosophy is feminist philosophy. Why is it expected to represent and include trans and race theory?

Given this history, it is especially dangerous for Hypatia to stand behind an article that exhibits poor scholarship in both fields and little concern for the voices of those most impacted by “theoretical” debates on the subject of racial and trans identity.

Most affected [aka “impacted”]? What about women? Women are also affected by theoretical debates on the subject of trans identity, because those debates either rely on or dispute basic assumptions about the nature of gender and identity that are, obviously, significant to women too. Trans people don’t own gender; women have a stake in the subject too, a very big one. The duties and obligations and demands for respect in this area should not run all one way.



Party time

May 4th, 2017 11:33 am | By

The fuckers passed it.

In a major victory for President Donald Trump, the House has voted to dismantle the pillars of the Affordable Care Act and make sweeping changes to the nation’s health care system.

The bill now heads to the Senate where it faces daunting challenges because of the same ideological splits between conservative and moderate Republicans that nearly killed it in the House.

Trump will hold a celebratory news conference at the White House, and GOP lawmakers are expected to take buses from Capitol Hill after the vote.

Yeah, you celebrate, you pampered rich boy piece of shit. You celebrate the millions of people you’re working hard to consign to premature death, untreated illness and disability, pain, isolation, bankruptcy, fear, misery. You celebrate, you speck of human scum.



A privileged standpoint

May 4th, 2017 10:50 am | By

Here’s another example of that bizarro-world idea that women are now privileged unless they are also Of Color or trans:

I concur that it’s a mistake to treat the problem (of speaking from a privileged standpoint without full engagement with the work of those most vulnerable) as unique to any one person (or to any one group, like white cis women).

See that? We occupy a privileged standpoint now, just like that. Boom, feminism is over, women are dominant unless they are non-white and/or trans.

The author is not unique, nor is Hypatia unique in being willing to publish some work that handles race and gender identity questions in insufficiently attentive ways. Hypatia does, however, have a special commitment to taking robust engagement with marginalized standpoints seriously as crucial for feminist scholarship.

And “woman” is no longer a marginalized standpoint.

The rest of the thread veers into a deranged discussion of why “Becky” is an insult and how clueless it is or is not to be unaware of the role of “Becky” in black popular culture.

I can hear a thin little voice in my head, squeaking “Dear Muslima”…



One of the signers

May 4th, 2017 10:10 am | By

Lisa Guenther, one of the academic philosophers who signed the letter demanding that Hypatia retract Rebecca Tuvel’s piece, explained her signing a couple of days ago.

[Jesse Singal’s] article, like the post at the Daily Nous, goes through the arguments of Rebecca Tuvel’s article, “In Defense of Transracialism,” to argue that they’re not so bad after all: no outrageous claims, no offensive slurs, nothing but reasonable arguments. But this is precisely the problem: it’s what Charles Mills critiques as “ideal theory,” which attempts (in the words of author Jesse Singal) to “pull up one level from the real world and force people to grapple with principles and claims on their own merits, rather than — in the case of Dolezal — baser instincts like disgust and outrage.”

But ideal theory is not the only alternative to irrational “baser instincts.” What ideal theory abstracts from–and this is the reason why Mills argues that ideal theory is ideology– is the network of power relations that shape particular historical contexts and meanings.

THIS is the fundamental problem with Tuvel’s article, and with all of the defenses I have read so far: It “toy[s] around” (Singal’s words again) with a few arguments about issues that deeply and viscerally affect the lives of people whose social location is radically different from her own, with no evidence in the article of an awareness of the context, power dynamics, or stakes of these issues for trans people and people of color. This is why it should not have been published in Hypatia, and why the demand for a retraction is not simply the irrational whim of an “angry” mob, but a critique of white feminist ideal theory as transphobic and anti-black ideology.

Full disclosure: I know Rebecca Tuvel, I was on her dissertation committee, I don’t think she intended to do harm by writing this article. But intentions do not determine or reduce impact. The point is not to avoid ever saying anything “wrong” or problematic. The point is to commit to accountability — both as actors and as bystanders. This is what all of us are called upon to do in this moment.

She was on her dissertation committee, but still saw fit to join the monstering.

But more basically: what I wonder is why Tuvel is raked over the coals for insufficient awareness of the context, power dynamics, or stakes of these issues for trans people and people of color, with no corresponding chastisement or even mention of awareness of the context, power dynamics, or stakes of these issues for women. What about women? Why are women being told to pay better attention to the stakes of these issues for trans people and people of color while trans people and people of color are not being told to pay better attention to the stakes of these issues for women? Why are trans people and people of color being treated as marginalized or de-privileged while women are treated as hegemonic or privileged? When did we decide that women had left the ranks of the subordinated and joined the ranks of the subordinators? When did we decide that?

Spoiler: I didn’t decide that, and lots of women didn’t decide that. It’s not true. Women are not part of the overlord class. Pasting the word “white” onto feminism doesn’t change that.

That’s not what Tuvel is talking about, but it damn well is what I’m talking about.



The vandals are inside the walls of the city

May 4th, 2017 9:16 am | By

The House Republicans suddenly decided yesterday that oh yes they have the votes now so they’re going to hurry up and vote today to take health insurance away from millions of people.

THE BIG IDEA: Kevin McCarthy has guaranteed victory when the House votes today on a health care bill that would overhaul Obamacare. “Do we have the votes? Yes. Will we pass it? Yes,” the majority leader told reporters last night. The Rules Committee met late last night to take procedural steps and approve the compromises that have been made.

— Some guidance on timing, via Steve Scalise’s office: Around 10:30 a.m., the House will have its first votes of the day. Then the chamber will begin formal debate. Between approximately 1:15 p.m. and 1:45 p.m., the House will vote on this legislation. Members are being told they’ll be free to leave the floor by 2:30 p.m. to 3 p.m.

That’s an hour from now.

How this is working is that the Republicans are saying it will all be fine, there are fixes that will make it all fine, and that they’re lying about that. The patches to provide some subsidies are totally inadequate; the provisions for pre-existing conditions are even worse; it’s going to suck.



Yes it will

May 4th, 2017 8:55 am | By

White guy doesn’t like to see black guy get a decent pension. White guy gets to work to slash that pension.

Republican Congressman Jason Chaffetz suggested Wednesday that former President Barack Obama’s $400,000 Wall Street speech has prompted a coming measure to cap presidential pensions.

Utah representative Chaffetz plans to reintroduce a 2016 bill to the House that would cap presidential pensions at $200,000, with an additional $200,000 in expenses, USA Today reported.

Last July Obama vetoed a bill that would have curbed the pension of former presidents if they had an outside income of $400,000 or more and limited expenses at $200,000, arguing that if implemented it could have left staff of former presidents suddenly without work.

“The Obama hypocrisy on this issue is revealing,” Chaffetz, chairman of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee and sponsor of the 2016 bill, told USA Today. “His veto was very self-serving.”

Late Wednesday Chaffetz tweeted the USA Today link with its headline “Obama’s $400,000 speech could prompt Congress to go after his pension,” adding “Yes it will.”

He really did.



An untrained mind bereft of information

May 4th, 2017 8:00 am | By

Golly, I agree with George Will about something. He says the state of Trump’s mind is so parlous that it amounts to a disability. I think that’s right.

It is urgent for Americans to think and speak clearly about President Trump’s inability to do either. This seems to be not a mere disinclination but a disability. It is not merely the result of intellectual sloth but of an untrained mind bereft of information and married to stratospheric self-confidence.

I’ve been doing that all along. In that area my conscience is clear.

What is most alarming (and mortifying to the University of Pennsylvania, from which he graduated) is not that Trump has entered his eighth decade unscathed by even elementary knowledge about the nation’s history. As this column has said before, the problem isn’t that he does not know this or that, or that he does not know that he does not know this or that. Rather, the dangerous thing is that he does not know what it is to know something.

It’s all three, and more. Let’s not be precious about it. Yes the problem is that he doesn’t know X or Y, and that he doesn’t know he doesn’t know. And then it’s everything else too. Everything about the way he thinks and talks is the problem.

The United States is rightly worried that a strange and callow leader controls North Korea’s nuclear arsenal. North Korea should reciprocate this worry. Yes, a 70-year-old can be callow if he speaks as sophomorically as Trump did when explaining his solution to Middle Eastern terrorism: “I would bomb the s— out of them. . . . I’d blow up the pipes, I’d blow up the refineries, I’d blow up every single inch, there would be nothing left.”

Quite. This is why I keep saying there should be a filter of some kind to keep hopeless intellectual incompetence out of the presidency.

As president-elect, Trump did not know the pedigree and importance of the one-China policy. About such things he can be, if he is willing to be, tutored. It is, however, too late to rectify this defect: He lacks what T.S. Eliot called a sense “not only of the pastness of the past, but of its presence.” His fathomless lack of interest in America’s path to the present and his limitless gullibility leave him susceptible to being blown about by gusts of factoids that cling like lint to a disorderly mind.

Americans have placed vast military power at the discretion of this mind, a presidential discretion that is largely immune to restraint by the Madisonian system of institutional checks and balances. So, it is up to the public to quarantine this presidency by insistently communicating to its elected representatives a steady, rational fear of this man whose combination of impulsivity and credulity render him uniquely unfit to take the nation into a military conflict.

Or into four years of its existence.



The personal identity they wish to assume

May 3rd, 2017 4:36 pm | By

That bit of Tuvel’s paper I reserved to take issue with later:

Generally, we treat people wrongly when we block them from assuming the personal identity they wish to assume. For instance, if some one identifies so strongly with the Jewish community that she wishes to become a Jew, it is wrong to block her from taking conversion classes to do so. This example reveals there are at least two components to a successful identity transformation: (1) how a person self-identifies, and (2) whether a given society is willing to recognize an individual’s felt sense of identity by granting her membership in the desired group. For instance, if the rabbi thinks you are not seriously committed to Judaism, she can block you from attempted conversion. Still, the possibility of rejection reveals that, barring strong overriding considerations, transition to a different identity category is often accepted in our society.

I don’t think that’s entirely right about becoming a Jew, and I don’t think it’s right about assuming a personal identity in general. I think it’s more complicated than that.

It’s more complicated than that in the case of becoming a Jew, for sure. Why? Because just for one thing it feels like what people call “appropriation” – and in this case (and others I can think of) that doesn’t feel exaggerated or unfair. I wouldn’t feel I could “become” a Jew because my relatives were never in danger of being sent to Auschwitz. That’s a barrier, a large barrier. I can imagine converting, if I were a very different person, but I have a hard time imagining myself claiming to be a Jew. It’s not mine to seize in that way.

But there is conversion, so some people do become Jews in a sense. Yes but only in a sense, because Judaism is neither necessary nor sufficient for being a Jew.

In a better world that wouldn’t matter. In a better world we could all switch identities as we needed or wanted to. But in a world with multiple histories of ethnic wars, mass migrations, religious wars, inequality, war crimes, invasions, colonialism?

I don’t think so. I think it’s more complicated than that. I think gender identity is more complicated than that too, for the same kinds of reasons.

Note that none of this means I think Tuvel shouldn’t have written the article or that Hypatia shouldn’t have published it or that the APA shouldn’t have selected it to be read at their convention earlier this year. Not a bit of it.



The monstering

May 3rd, 2017 3:44 pm | By

Justin Weinberg wrote a piece at Daily Nous about the monstering of Rebecca Tuvel.

In the paper, Professor Tuvel takes up the question of whether the considerations that support accepting transgender individuals’ decisions to change sexes, which she endorses, provide support for accepting transracial individuals’ decisions to change races. She defends an affirmative answer to that question.

The result has been an eruption of complaints from a number of philosophers and other academics, expressed mainly on Facebook and Twitter. Among the complaints is the charge that the paper is anti-transgender.

That charge may come as a surprise to some readers, as it comes through quite clearly in her paper that Professor Tuvel supports accepting transgender individuals’ decisions to change sexes. For example, she writes:

Trans individuals’ claims to self-identify as members of another sex did not always receive societal uptake, and unfortunately many still struggle to receive it today…

Thankfully, there is growing recognition that justice for trans individuals means respecting their self-identification by granting them membership in their felt sex category of belonging…

Which makes it all the more ironic that she’s being monstered.

Nonetheless, in one popular public Facebook postNora Berenstain, an assistant professor of philosophy at the University of Tennessee, says the essay contains “discursive transmisogynistic violence.”

If you say “discursive” that justifies calling a philosophy paper “violence,” apparently.

Also, “transmisogynistic” should not be a word, especially not to philosophers. It mashes two different things together as if they were one thing; that is not useful. Opposition to some claims of some trans women (like “die in a fire” for instance) is in no sense misogyny, indeed it’s usually misogynist claims that are being opposed (like “die in a fire” for instance). It’s also not necessarily hostility to trans people, aka not the equivalent of misogyny but aimed at trans people rather than women. It’s certainly not a blend of the two, because what would that even mean?

She elaborates:

Tuvel enacts violence and perpetuates harm in numerous ways throughout her essay. She deadnames a trans woman. She uses the term “transgenderism.” She talks about “biological sex” and uses phrases like “male genitalia.” She focuses enormously on surgery, which promotes the objectification of trans bodies. She refers to “a male-to- female (mtf) trans individual who could return to male privilege,” promoting the harmful transmisogynistic ideology that trans women have (at some point had) male privilege. 

Whether it’s harmful or not, is it true? If it is true, people shouldn’t be berated for saying it. If it might be true the same applies. It’s not an “ideology” that males have male privilege even if they don’t want it; it’s a factual claim about hierarchical relationships. It may be wrong, or incomplete, or right sometimes and wrong others, but none of that makes it an ideology, let alone a harmful one.

In short Berenstein is spouting political rhetoric, not philosophy, and she’s doing it in aid of bullying an untenured young philosopher. She’s claiming that her younger less powerful colleague “enacts violence and perpetuates harm in numerous ways throughout her essay.” That’s a horrifying thing to say.

Weinberg goes on to quote and discuss the open letter (which has now been taken down but is archived in various places).

Having read the article, I was surprised to see this particular letter get the support it has, although perhaps not all of the signatories agree to all of the points. Point 2 is a stretch.

Here is point 2:

2. It mischaracterizes various theories and practices relating to religious identity and conversion; for example, the author gives an off-hand example about conversion to Judaism;

Weinberg quotes what Tuvel says about Judaism:

Generally, we treat people wrongly when we block them from assuming the personal identity they wish to assume. For instance, if someone identifies so strongly with the Jewish community that she wishes to become a Jew, it is wrong to block her from taking conversion classes to do so. This example reveals there are at least two components to a successful identity transformation: (1) how a person self-identifies, and (2) whether a given society is willing to recognize an individual’s felt sense of identity by granting her membership in the desired group. For instance, if the rabbi thinks you are not seriously committed to Judaism, she can block you from attempted conversion. Still, the possibility of rejection reveals that, barring strong overriding considerations, transition to a different identity category is often accepted in our society.

It is not clear how this is a mischaracterization. Nor is it “offhand” in any objectionable way.

One would think. I think it’s at least partly wrong, but I’ll save that for a separate post.

The open letter continues:

It is difficult to imagine that this article could have been endorsed by referees working in critical race theory and trans theory, which are the two areas of specialization that should have been most relevant to the review process. A message has been sent, to authors and readers alike, that white cis scholars may engage in speculative discussion of these themes without broad and sustained engagement with those theorists whose lives are most directly affected by transphobia and racism.

I contacted Hypatia to ask whether the paper had undergone their standard reviewing procedure, and the editors there stated that it had. The paper made it through double-anonymous review with at least two referees.

But the Associate Editors decided to grovel anyway, and to throw Tuvel to the wolves.

The speed with which this has all happened is extraordinary.

The apology is in the form of a public Facebook post from Cressida Heyes, Canada Research Chair in Philosophy of Gender and Sexuality at the University of Alberta. She notes that the associate editors “don’t make editorial decisions but we do advise the editors on policy.”

And they do apparently feel entitled to throw young untenured colleagues to the wolves.

And then there’s Tuvel’s statement.

UPDATE (5/1/2017): The author of the article in question, Rebecca Tuvel, has issued the following statement:

I wrote this piece from a place of support for those with non-normative identities, and frustration about the ways individuals who inhabit them are so often excoriated, body-shamed, and silenced. When the case of Rachel Dolezal surfaced, I perceived a transphobic logic that lay at the heart of the constant attacks against her. My article is an effort to extend our thinking alongside transgender theories to other non-normative possibilities.

The vehement criticism has already raised a number of concerns. I regret the deadnaming of Caitlyn Jenner in the article, which means that I referred to her birth name instead of her chosen name. Even though she does this herself in her book, I understand that it is not for outsiders to do and that such a practice can perpetuate harm against transgender individuals, and I apologize. The deadnaming will be removed from the article. I also understand that some people are offended by my use of the term transgenderism. My motivation for using it came from a blogpost by Julia Serano, as I find her defense of the term persuasive. A valid reproach is that my article discusses the lives of vulnerable people without sufficiently citing their own first-person experiences and views.

But so much wrath on electronic media has been expressed in the form of ad hominem attacks. I have received hate mail. I have been denounced a horrible person by people who have never met me. I have been warned that this is a project I should not have started and can only have questionable motivations for writing. Many people are now strongly urging me and the journal to retract the article and issue an apology. They have cautioned me that not doing so would be devastating for me personally, professionally, and morally. From the few who have expressed their support, much has been said to me about bullying culture, call-out culture, virtue-signaling, a mob mentality, and academic freedom.

So little of what has been said, however, is based upon people actually reading what I wrote. There are theoretical and philosophical questions that I raise that merit our reflection. Not doing so can only reinforce gender and racial essentialism. I deeply worry about the claim that the project itself is harmful to trans people and people of color. These are, of course, wide and varied groups, some of whom experience offense and harm at the idea of transracialism, and others who do not. People of color and trans individuals are not of one mind about this topic, of course, and online publications attest to this. For instance, Kai M. Green has defended the importance of grappling with the question of transracialism. Adolph Reed Jr., Camille Gear Rich, Melissa Harris Perry, Allyson Hobbs, Angela Jones, Ann Morton, BP Morton, among others, have also expressed more sympathetic positions on the topic. The philosophical stakes of this discussion merit our consideration.

Calls for intellectual engagement are also being shut down because they “dignify” the article. If this is considered beyond the pale as a response to a controversial piece of writing, then critical thought is in danger. I have never been under the illusion that this article is immune from critique. But the last place one expects to find such calls for censorship rather than discussion is amongst philosophers

Wouldn’t you think?



A coupla smart cookies

May 3rd, 2017 12:10 pm | By

Trump’s clueless stupidity strikes again:

U.S. President Donald Trump said he would meet with Kim Jong Un amid heightened tensions over North Korea’s nuclear weapons program if the circumstances were right.

“If it would be appropriate for me to meet with him, I would absolutely, I would be honored to do it,” Trump said Monday in an Oval Office interview with Bloomberg News. “If it’s under the, again, under the right circumstances. But I would do that.”

He’d be “honored” to do it. He is such a fucking fool.

McCain is not impressed:

Speaking to Joe Scarborough and Mika Brzezinski on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” on Tuesday, McCain said that Trump’s latest attempts to side with leaders like Kim Jong Un of North Korea were beyond comprehension.

“I don’t understand it, and I don’t think that the president appreciates the fact that when he says things like that, it helps the credibility and prestige of this really outrageous strongman,” McCain said, referring to Kim Jong Un. “I wish the president would consider much more carefully his comments.”

We all wish that, but it’s not a thing that Trump does. He seems to be unable to consider anything carefully, and especially anything that’s about to fly out of his mouth.

Trump sent shockwaves in the national security community after calling Jong Un a “smart cookie” and acknowledging that he would be “honored” to meet with him. To date, no sitting US president has ever held a meeting with a current North Korean leader.

Yeah but Trump’s all mavericky up in there. If it’s a thing no sitting president has done, why, it’s a good thing for Trump to do. No sitting president has called for a government shutdown before? Excellent reason for Trump to be the first!

Former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright also criticized Trump’s remarks on CNN Tuesday. “A president doesn’t go to a country without any preparation, and ‘honored’ would definitely be the wrong way to discuss somebody who is keeping his people in poverty and starving and control,” Albright said on CNN’s “The Lead.”

Trump doesn’t care about that. He might manage to care about it for a second if Ivanka showed him a photo of a starving North Korean child, but short of that, forget it.

“I think that part of the issue is that President Trump seems to believe that he can have just one-on-one relationships,” Albright said. “And maybe that’s possible in business, but that is not something that is possible as president of the United States.”

Well, it’s not possible for all those other losers, but Trump is SuperPresident!



These awful, clueless, evil avatars of supreme privilege

May 3rd, 2017 11:48 am | By

Jesse Singal this morning:

Exactly so. That’s certainly Zoé Samudzi’s approach, and she’s far from alone. Isn’t it interesting how it’s so nearly always women who are the targets of this kind of shit? Isn’t it even more interesting how it’s feminism and feminists hanging from the gibbet?



Behold a mean person

May 3rd, 2017 4:37 am | By

I’m told that Zoé Samudzi perpetrated a Twitter storm on Friday, and I gather that may be what set off the flamers who quickly got Hypatia to agree to throw Rebecca Tuvel under the bus. Samudzi tweets a lot, so I haven’t found the storm yet, but I found a more recent squall, and it’s nasty enough for any taste. She’s responding to Jesse Singal’s article yesterday.

The piece is about Tuvel, specifically the attack on Tuvel and the retraction of her article along with a public attack by the editors. It doesn’t “give her a platform”; it reports on her abrupt deprivation of a platform. It’s not obliged to give other academics a “platform”; it’s an article, not an academic department or a conference.

“Whining” indeed. As if Samudzi wouldn’t “whine” if somebody published an article of hers and then retracted it and publicly excoriated her. And she’s lying about the dogwhistle.

Oh, is she being neglected? Is that a whine? Also, is she really complaining about not getting enough credit for her Twitter yammering? It’s Twitter; it’s not publication. Nobody is obliged to pay attention to her THREAD.

Oh I see, this is white privilege, is it? Having an article retracted and having the editors publicly trash you? And it’s being affirmed as a victim? That’s how that works?

If this stuff is representative, Samudzi must be a remarkably callous and malicious human being. If that’s lefty politics, we’re all fucked.

It’s not “dangerous.” That blackmailing catastrophizing bullshit is what’s dangerous: it’s driving feminism out of public discourse.

That’s simply disgusting. She’s not “whining”; her academic freedom was very obviously infringed; she hasn’t engaged in any “epistemic violence”; and retracting an article and demonizing its author is not mere “pushback.”

Sure, go ahead, destroy her career. Why not?

I feel dirty now.



Tuvel’s peers are busily wrecking her reputation

May 2nd, 2017 5:28 pm | By

Jesse Singal has written a blast against the public trashing of Rebecca Tuvel’s article.

In late March, Hypatia, a feminist-philosophy journal, published an article titled “In Defense of Transracialism” by Rebecca Tuvel, an assistant professor of philosophy at Rhodes College in Memphis, as part of its spring 2017 issue. The point of the article, as the title suggests, is to toy around with the question of what it would mean if some people really were — as Rachel Dolezal claimed — “transracial,” meaning they identified as a race that didn’t line up with how society viewed them in light of their ancestry.

Tuvel structures her argument more or less as follows: (1) We accept the following premises about trans people and the rights and dignity to which they are entitled; (2) we also accept the following premises about identities and identity change in general; (3) therefore, the common arguments against transracialism fail, and we should accept that there’s little apparent logically coherent reason to deny the possibility of genuine transracialism.

Anyone who has read an academic philosophy paper will be familiar with this sort of argument. The goal, often, is to provoke a little — to probe what we think and why we think it, and to highlight logical inconsistencies that might help us better understand our values and thought processes. This sort of article is abstract and laden with hypotheticals — the idea is to pull up one level from the real world and force people to grapple with principles and claims on their own merits, rather than — in the case of Dolezal — baser instincts like disgust and outrage. This is what many philosophers do.

Fortunately for us, because it’s a good idea to probe what we think and why we think it and to highlight logical inconsistencies that might help us better understand our values and thought processes. One of the things I loathe most about the “SHUN HER NOW” school of non-thought is the way it forbids all that and insists that thinking has to be replaced with formulas and that the formulas have to be repeated exactly or dire punishment will follow. In short I loathe the banning of thought and probing and questions. I think I knew I couldn’t stay at FTB any longer when the goons started mocking me for daring to say it made a difference whether we were talking about ontology or politics. Fucking hell, if we can’t make distinctions as basic as that how can we think at all?

Tuvel is now bearing the brunt of a massive internet witch-hunt, abetted in part by Hypatia’s refusal to stand up for her. The journal has already apologized for the article, despite the fact that it was approved through its normal editorial process, and Tuvel’s peers are busily wrecking her reputation by sharing all sorts of false claims about the article that don’t bear the scrutiny of even a single close read.

The biggest vehicle of misinformation about Tuvel’s articles comes from the “open letter to Hypatia” that has done a great deal to help spark the controversy. That letter has racked up hundreds of signatories within the academic community — the top names listed are Elise Springer of Wesleyan University, Alexis Shotwell of Carleton University (who is listed as the point of contact), Dilek Huseyinzadegan of Emory University, Lori Gruen of Wesleyan, and Shannon Winnubst of Ohio State University.

It’s shocking. What the open letter people are doing is shocking.

Singal goes through the open letter and lists the many mistakes and false claims in it. I recommend reading the whole thing.

All in all, it’s remarkable how many basic facts this letter gets wrong about Tuvel’s paper. Either the authors simply lied about the article’s contents, or they didn’t read it at all. Every single one of the hundreds of signatories on the open letter now has their name on a document that severely (and arguably maliciously) mischaracterizes the work of one of their colleagues. This is not the sort of thing that usually happens in academia — it’s a really strange, disturbing instance of mass groupthink, perhaps fueled by the dynamics of online shaming and piling-on.

Others within academia criticized Tuvel’s article in misleading ways as well. In his article, Weinberg highlights a popular public Facebook post by Nora Berenstain, a philosophy professor at the University of Tennessee, that has since been taken down but which read as follows (I’m introducing numbers to take the new points on one by one):

(1) Tuvel enacts violence and perpetuates harm in numerous ways throughout her essay. She deadnames a trans woman. She uses the term “transgenderism.” (2) She talks about “biological sex” and uses phrases like “male genitalia.” (3) She focuses enormously on surgery, which promotes the objectification of trans bodies. (4) She refers to “a male-to- female (mtf) trans individual who could return to male privilege,” promoting the harmful transmisogynistic ideology that trans women have (at some point had) male privilege.

I read Berenstein’s post yesterday, more than once. I find it skin-crawling. It’s still readable on Google’s cache. Singal notes a fraction of what’s wrong with her post too, and then comments:

I could go on and on. This is a witch hunt. There has simply been an explosive amount of misinformation circulating online about what is and isn’t in Tuvel’s article, which few of her most vociferous critics appear to have even skimmed, based on their inability to accurately describe its contents. Because the right has seized on Rachel Dolezal as a target of gleeful ridicule, and as a means of making opportunistic arguments against the reality of the trans identity, a bunch of academics who really should know better are attributing to Tuvel arguments she never made, simply because she connected those two subjects in an academic article.

But it’s quite clear from her own words Tuvel doesn’t believe it’s an apt comparison to make Breitbart-y arguments about Dolezal and trans people. Here’s what she says in her very first endnote: “Importantly, I am not suggesting that race and sex are equivalent. Rather, I intend to show that similar arguments that support transgenderism support transracialism. My thesis relies in no way upon the claim that race and sex are equivalent, or historically constructed in exactly the same way.” She is making a very specific, narrow argument about identity in an academic philosophy setting, all while noting, every step of the way, that she believes trans people are who they say they are, and that they should be entitled to the full rights and recognition of their identity. This pile-on isn’t even close to warranted.

So why are they doing it? Because it’s so much fun? Because they’re fanatics? Because they’re afraid? I don’t know. I don’t get it. I never have. The venom directed at me was out of proportion too, and I never got that either.

(It started with Dolezal in my case too.)

Unfortunately, Hypatia simply surrendered to this sustained misinformation campaign. On April 30, one of the journal’s editors, Cressida Hayes, posted a lengthy apology to Facebook, later posted to the journal’s Facebook page as well, from “the members of Hypatia’s Board of Associate Editors.” Among other things, the apology notes that “[i]t is our position that the harms that have ensued from the publication of this article could and should have been prevented by a more effective review process.” Like the critiques themselves, the apology deeply misreads and misinterprets the original article: “Perhaps most fundamentally,” write the editors, “to compare ethically the lived experience of trans people (from a distinctly external perspective) primarily to a single example of a white person claiming to have adopted a black identity creates an equivalency that fails to recognize the history of racial appropriation, while also associating trans people with racial appropriation.” At no point in Tuvel’s article does she come close to doing anything like this. Rather, the entire premise of the article is to examine what genuine instances of deeply felt transracialism would tell us about identity and identity change in light of the progressive view of trans rights. Early on, she even effectively sets Dolezal aside, writing that she isn’t particularly interested in what Dolezal really feels, since that’s unknowable, but is rather interested in dissecting some of the underlying issues about identity in a more hypothetical way — “My concern in this article is less with the veracity of Dolezal’s claims,” she writes, “and more with the arguments for and against transracialism.”

They’re interesting. Some people are interested in such things. It shouldn’t be treated as a crime.

It is pretty remarkable for an academic journal to, in the wake of an online uproar, apologize and suggest one of its articles caused “harm,” all while failing to push back against brazenly inaccurate misreadings of that article — especially in light of the fact that Tuvel said in a statement (readable at the bottom of the Daily Nous article) that she’s dealing with a wave of online abuse and hate mail.

Some other academics have already reacted angrily to the extent to which Hypatia rolled over in the wake of this outrage-storm. On his Leiter Reports philosophy blog, for example, Brian Leiter, a philosophy professor, writes

…what you already know he writes, because I posted about it yesterday.

[W]hat’s disturbing here is how many hundreds of academics signed onto and helped spread utterly false claims about one of their colleagues, and the extent to which Hypatia, faced with such outrage, didn’t even bother trying to sift legitimate critiques from frankly made-up ones. A huge number of people who haven’t read Tuvel’s article now believe, on the basis of that trumped-up open letter and unfounded claims of “violence,” that it is so deeply transphobic it warranted an unusual apology from the journal that published it.

We should want academics to write about complicated, difficult, hot-button issues, including identity. Online pile-ons cannot, however righteous they feel, dictate journals’ publication policies and how they treat their authors and articles. It’s really disturbing to watch this sort of thing unfold in real time — there’s such a stark disconnect between what Tuvel wrote and what she is purported to have written. This whole episode should worry anybody who cares about academia’s ability to engage in difficult issues at a time when outrage can spread faster than ever before.

I second that.



Such incendiary literature

May 2nd, 2017 4:25 pm | By

Speaking of Andrew Jackson and slavery and the Civil War…here’s some background.

Jackson’s presidency coincided with the formation of state and national antislavery societies, the publication of William Lloyd Garrison’s Liberator , and the expansion of abolitionist efforts to awaken the nation’s conscience. Although abolitionists focused primarily on nonpolitical tactics, their activities inevitably intruded into politics. During the last two years of the Jackson administration, therefore, the slavery issue was reintroduced to American politics for the first time since the fiery Missouri debates of 1819–1821.

In the summer of 1835, shortly after the Democratic convention adjourned, antislavery forces organized a campaign to distribute propaganda tracts through the mails to the South. The southern response was predictable. Southern state legislatures passed laws to keep out such “incendiary literature,” and many southern postmasters refused to deliver abolitionist mail. At Charleston, South Carolina, on 29 July, a mob of some three hundred incensed citizens stormed the post office to seize abolitionist material. Although persuaded to disperse, a few Carolinians returned that night and took possession of the literature, which they burned the following evening on the Charleston parade grounds.

The Jackson administration’s handling of this controversy has generally been interpreted as evidence of its southern orientation. According to one account, the Democratic party’s pro-South and pro-slavery bias was the “darker side to Jacksonian Democracy.” The Jackson administration certainly was hostile to abolitionism and any efforts to disturb the South’s “peculiar institution.” It showed a continuing solicitude for southern opinion and interests, and it embraced the racial tenets of “herrenvolk democracy,” which affirmed the equality of whites and their superiority over non-whites. Jackson himself was a substantial planter, owning many slaves, and while he insisted that they be treated “humanely,” he showed no disposition to disturb the legal and constitutional arrangements that maintained the slave system. Yet Jackson’s position on the slavery issue was more complex than this.

The Democratic party was a national organization, and northern attitudes about slavery and civil liberties had to be given weight. Moreover, Jackson’s denunciation of abolitionism did not signify that he considered slavery a positive or permanent good. Rather, he thought that by maintaining sectional calm, Providence would, in time, somehow eradicate the evil.

Maybe that’s what Trump is trying to think of when he says Jackson was “angry” about all this pre-Civil War controversy: he wanted everybody to stop fighting over it and just kick back and relax, because Providence would end slavery in its own good time.

Easy for him, of course, since he wasn’t a slave and wasn’t in any danger of becoming a slave. It may be that the issue was more urgent for people who were slaves.

Upon learning of the situation in Charleston, Jackson angrily denounced the abolitionists as “monsters” and suggested that those who subscribed to the papers have their names recorded by the postmaster and exposed in the public newspapers. Yet Jackson did not justify mob action or the complete interdiction of abolitionist mailings. He denounced the “spirit of mob-law” as evidenced in Charleston and thought that the instigators should be “checked and punished.” Reminding Kendall that federal officials had “no power to prohibit anything from being transported in the mails that is authorized by the law,” he suggested that the papers be delivered only to those who were “really subscribers.”

The mails controversy became a leading question when Congress convened in December 1835. In his annual message, Jackson noted the “painful excitement” caused by the abolitionist tracts and recommended that Congress prohibit their circulation in the South.

If the abolitionists had just shut up, there never would have been a Civil War. There might still be slavery, but there wouldn’t have been a civil war.

Jackson deplored the increased sectional bitterness that marked national politics during his presidency. He urged Americans to remember that the foundations of the Constitution and the Union were laid in the “affections of the people” and in their “fraternal attachment” as members of one political family. His sentiments were heartfelt, but time would demonstrate that his appeals for moderation, for unionism, and for patience in awaiting Providence’s will were ineffectual nostrums for the great moral and legal issues posed by slavery.

The increased sectional bitterness was over the issue of slavery. The South was not about to end slavery, gradually or otherwise. A happy-clappy solution wasn’t available.



No laughing in the kingdom

May 2nd, 2017 3:59 pm | By

The Feds are prosecuting a woman for laughing during Jeff Sessions’s confirmation hearing.

During Jeff Sessions’ confirmation hearings, Senator Richard Selby claimed that the North Carolina senator’s history of “treating all Americans equally under the law is clear and well-documented.” At that, activist and CodePink member Desiree Fairooz laughed, since Sessions is actually best known for being deemed too racist for a federal judgeship in the 1980s. As the Huffington Post reports, a rookie cop with no appreciation for irony arrested Fairooz, and prosecutors are charging the 61-year-old with attempting to “impede, disrupt, and disturb the orderly conduct” of the hearings.

Who is the prosecutors’ boss? Why, Jeff Sessions.

A lawyer representing Fairooz at trial noted that other spectators laughed during the Sessions hearings, including when he joked about disagreements with his wife. According to the prosecutor, it was “appropriate for the audience to laugh when Sessions made a joke about his marriage but not when Shelby claimed Sessions had a long record of ‘treating all Americans equally.’”

So let me see if I understand this – it’s legal to laugh at Jeff Sessions’s jokes, but illegal to laugh at a senator’s brazen lie about Sessions? What law is that exactly?



His daughter’s eyes welled with tears

May 2nd, 2017 12:03 pm | By

So Ivanka Trump has at least once grokked the full horror of her horrible father, if the Times is accurate.

It was last October.

Inside Trump Tower, the candidate was preparing for a debate when an aide rushed in with news that The Washington Post was about to publish an article saying that Mr. Trump had bragged about grabbing women’s private parts. As Ivanka Trump joined the others waiting to see a video of the episode, her father insisted that the description of his comments did not sound like him.

When the recording finally showed he was wrong, Mr. Trump’s reaction was grudging: He agreed to say he was sorry if anyone was offended. Advisers warned that would not be enough.

We see yet again what a pig he is – if “anyone” was offended. He pokes you in the eye, then he grudgingly says he’ll apologize if you say your eye hurts.

Ivanka Trump made an emphatic case for a full-throated apology, according to several people who were present for the crisis discussion that unfolded in Mr. Trump’s 26th-floor office. Raised amid a swirl of tabloid headlines, she had spent her adult life branding herself as her father’s poised, family-focused daughter. She marketed her clothing line with slogans about female empowerment and was finishing a book on the topic. As she spoke, Mr. Trump remained unyielding. His daughter’s eyes welled with tears, her face reddened, and she hurried out in frustration.

Well, on second thought, maybe that’s nothing to do with grokking the horror. Maybe it’s just irritation that he ignored her advice. Either way, she’s working for him and thus complicit with him now, so it doesn’t matter. She may be “poised” but she’s a moral vacuum.

In interviews last week, she said she intended to act as a moderating force in an administration swept into office by nationalist sentiment.

There’s no moderating something like that.

Some former employees express surprise at her new policy interest, saying she was once reluctant to grant them maternity leave. But other observers call her the administration’s best hope for progress on gender issues and say they are encouraged to see a presidential daughter, and a top member of a Republican White House, advocate federal paid family leave. (She intends to go beyond her father’s campaign pledge and push to include both fathers and mothers, according to a White House official.)

How about a living wage and overtime pay for the Chinese women who make her clothes?

Those close to Ms. Trump say she is generally business-friendly and socially liberal. But she says that on many issues, she does not have strongly held views. (In the White House, she uses corporate terms — like “business plan” — as much as partisan or political ones.)

Of course she doesn’t have views – she’s empty-headed. No one would be paying the slightest attention to her if she weren’t an offspring of Donnie from Queens.

For now, Ms. Trump acknowledges how much she has to learn and asks the public to be patient with her.

“I do believe that in time I’ll get to the right place,” she said. “In the short run I’ll have missteps, and, in some cases, I’ll take shots that I could have avoided if I had publicly said what I think.”

“I’m really, really trying to learn,” she added.

Yeah no. People who have “much to learn” shouldn’t be doing that job in the first place. This isn’t Darling’s first job, this is the fucking government, and she has zero relevant experience or education. No we’re not going to be “patient with her.”



Guest post: Background on the schism

May 2nd, 2017 10:47 am | By

Originally a comment by Salalia on Leiter on Thought Crimes Watch.

It seems to me that this dispute can’t be understood without the background: Transgender issues have brought about something of a schism within academic feminism; the side that favors more extensively accommodating transgender politics within academic feminism has clearly “won” and has mostly succeeded in ostracizing and delegitimizing their (academic) opponents.

Tuvel and her critics are all on the same “side” on issues of gender (as far as I know neither side in the Hypatia dispute actually opposes transgenderism-within-feminism ideology). But her ideas (extrapolating “trans” concepts from gender to race) threatens to split the academic antiracism movement in the same way that transgender issues split feminism, except worse in that the “appropriation” narrative has much stronger resonance against transracialism than it did against transgenderism.

A civil war within the critical race theory movement over transracialism could have two outcomes, both of them extremely ugly from the perspective of Tuvel’s critics:

(a) Tuvel’s critics understand intuitively that their colleagues and students of color are disproportionately unwilling to accept transracial ideology into their movement. Allowing Tuvel’s ideas to be discussed in a non-dismissive way could get very messy, and could poison the entire field of critical race theory in the eyes of its natural constituency, students/faculty/activists of color.

(b) On the other hand, if the broader field came to accept transracialist ideas in the same way that transgender ideas won out inside academic feminism, Tuvel’s critics could find themselves ostracized from their movement in the same way that academic feminists who questioned the wholesale incorporation of transgenderism into feminism have been ostracized. For anyone working in a field where politics and ideology are absolute, the risk of that kind of ostracism is dreadful to contemplate.

By attacking Tuvel’s work so aggressively, her critics hope to stop this line of discussion early before it can cause this kind of split within the field of critical race theory. From that perspective, the more vicious and frightening and absolutist their public statements are, the better — they don’t just want to push back against Tuvel herself, they want to deter any other young faculty who might consider going in the same direction. “Nice pre-tenure record you’re building there, shame if anything happened to it.” I think we can all agree that what’s happening to Tuvel would make others shy away from publishing a similar argument.

But they can’t make that argument explicitly, so they attack Tuvel for being insufficiently supportive of transfolk, even though Tuvel in fact is supportive of transfolk. It gives them a way to suppress the dangerous ideas indirectly, while staying on the safe ground of gender ideology rather than race ideology.

That’s how it seems to me. Disclaimer: I am not a philosopher nor a critical race theorist.



To fix mess

May 2nd, 2017 10:36 am | By

Trump saying it.



What we need

May 2nd, 2017 10:21 am | By

So now Trump is saying there should be a government shutdown. That’s new. The Republicans have deliberately caused them in the recent past, but I don’t think they have called for them ahead of time, as if they’re an inherent good.

President Trump on Tuesday called for a government shutdown later this year and suggested the Senate might need to prohibit future filibusters, dramatic declarations from a new commander in chief whose frustration is snowballing as Congress continues to block key parts of his agenda.

“Our country needs a good ‘shutdown’ in September to fix mess!” Trump wrote in a series of tweets Tuesday morning.

Or a tsunami! Or an earthquake! Or a direct hit from an ICBM!

That’s our new president, calling for the destruction of our government.

Trump’s call for a shutdown, which appears to be unprecedented from a sitting president, come as his problems are mounting within the House and Senate, chambers that are both controlled by his party.

He’s a fucking reckless solipsistic lunatic, and he’ll destroy us all because he can’t get what he wants.

Mick Mulvaney, director of the White House’s Office of Management and Budget, told reporters Tuesday that Trump’s call for a shutdown later this year is a “defensible position, one that we will deal with in September.”

No, it is not. A shutdown of the government is not something a president “calls for.” It’s a critical malfunction, not a goal. It is not defensible for the head of state to be “calling for” a broken state.

In a speech on the Senate floor, Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) said he was “deeply disappointed” by Trump tweeting about a “shutdown,” arguing that the spending bill was the result of bipartisan negotiations.

“It is truly a shame that the president is degrading it because he didn’t get 100 percent of what he wanted,” Schumer said.

It is truly a shame that we have an angry baby as head of state.