Month: March 2003

  • Theory, Theory Everywhere

    How do people manage to generate ‘theory wars’ out of teaching a basic skill that should be learned before university?

  • Student Consumers

    Spot on. John Sutherland on student evaluations: ‘the one criticism which is never made is: “This professor is just an entertainer”.’

  • Competing Goods

    Targets or no targets? How does one increase university admissions for excluded groups without discriminating against currently-included groups?

  • Discrimination Against Men?

    Women’s colleges are ‘all full of lesbians now,’ is one rumour. ‘And what if they are?’ asks Joan Bakewell.

  • Liberty Letters

    In The Great War we had liberty cabbage, now it’s…Freedom Toast? What planet is this again?

  • Letters for March, 2003

    Letters for March, 2003.

  • How to Make Bloody-Minded Women

    The last women’s college in Oxford has just voted to remain a single-sex college. I’m always interested in these campaigns to keep women’s schools single sex, and the idea (which I tend to believe) that single sex education is good for girls and bad for boys. I went to a single sex school myself, one that combined with a boy’s school the year after I graduated. I regretted it at the time but later decided I’d been lucky. If nothing else, I derived the benefit (at least I think I did) that it never crossed my mind for an instant that women were supposed to shut up and let men do the talking. So when I went to a double-sex university I talked and argued with the best of them, if not more. Maybe I would have anyway, not being a notably compliant person; but I wonder.

    It is a difficult question. The whole issue of whether women do better when they’ve had a chance to build up some blithe, unaware confidence in a boy-free zone, or whether that notion merely perpetuates the idea that women are so fragile and malleable and pathetic that they have to live in a bubble to survive at all. Val McDermid chooses the first option in this article by a graduate of St. Hilda’s from last year:

    I think the single-sex environment allowed women to flourish in a way that is much harder for them in a male-dominated college. It meant that, when we emerged into the world of work, we had a bedrock of self-confidence that made it far easier for us to compete on the unequal terms we found there.

    Former student Katherine Wheatley is definite: ‘Women benefit from a single-sex education, whereas men benefit from a mixed one,’ she says, and that this ‘is borne out by the results at GCSE and A-levels year on year.’ I think it’s probably true, I’m glad St. Hilda’s stayed single-sex, and yet, and yet…I also wish women didn’t need special enclaves in order to flourish. But then I wish a lot of things, as we all do. If wishes were horses.

  • Single-sex Education Good for Women

    ‘Women benefit from a single-sex education, whereas men benefit from a mixed one,’ a former student at St. Hilda’s says.

  • Single-sex Education

    St. Hilda’s college votes not to admit men.

  • Missionary Formulas

    Historian Jackson Lears suggests ‘providence’ might not be all that predictable.

  • One in Four of Everyone Has Something

    So if one in four has something, and one in four has a different something, and the number of somethings is large and growing…

  • Rorty Reviews Dewey Biography

    More about events of his life than resonance of his ideas, Rorty says.

  • More on ‘Honour’ Killing

    An Iranian woman writes for the Institute for the Secularization of Islamic Society on the murder of insubordinate women.

  • ‘Honour crimes’ and cultural relativism

    Is political correctness to blame for a lack of awareness about honour crimes?

  • Better than nothing

    "Although conditions in many of the [sweat]shops are admittedly wretched,
    people chose to work in the shops of their own free will, experts point out,
    because a lousy job is better than none at all. If major U.S. retailers stop
    doing business with countries where exploitation is a fact of life, maquila
    production will decline further in Central America and thousands of workers
    – children and adults – will join the ranks of the unemployed, experts warn."
    (Source: National Center for Policy Analysis, Month In Review, Trade June,
    1996) (http://www.ncpa.org/pd/monthly/pd696r.html)

    Sweatshops stir the consciences of all but the hardest of westerners who become
    aware that most of their clothes come from them. We know that conditions in
    these factories, usually, but not always, located in the developing world, are
    awful. We know that workers often have few if any rights, receive measly pay
    and often work in hazardous environments. If we think about it too much, we
    may even wonder if we are modern-day slave-owners, enjoying the fruits of the
    labour of those who toil on our behalf under conditions we would never accept
    for ourselves.

    It can be very appealing, therefore, when someone comes up with an argument
    that tells us we shouldn’t feel bad after all. Even better if that argument
    says some true things.

    This argument comes courtesy of the National Center for Policy Analysis (NCPA),
    whose goal "to develop and promote private alternatives to government regulation
    and control, solving problems by relying on the strength of the competitive,
    entrepreneurial private sector." Those not drawn towards neo-liberal free-market
    orthodoxy may feel suspicious of what such a body has to say, but their argument
    needs to be judged on its merit, not its provenance.

    Set aside for one moment the argument that the workers in these sweatshops
    chose to work there freely. That will be a topic for a future Bad Moves. Focus
    instead on the main point, which is that if we don’t buy goods which come from
    sweatshops, the workers we are concerned about will be worse off, since their
    poorly paid, tough and often dangerous jobs are better than no jobs at all,
    or the alternatives open to them.

    The argument has a good pedigree. Much cited is Lucy Martinez-Mont’s article
    "Sweatshops Are Better than No Shops" (Wall Street Journal, June 25,
    1996) in which she wrote, "Banning imports of child-made goods would eliminate
    jobs, hike labor costs, drive plants from poor countries and increase debt.
    Rich countries would sabotage Third World countries and deny poor children any
    hope of a better future."

    What Martinez-Mont says is true. The question is, what follows from it? What
    clearly doesn’t follow is that we can carry on buying child-produced goods with
    impunity, as many (but not all) proponents of the argument would have you believe.

    The reason for this is that the choice is not between the status quo and banning
    such imports. This is something most "fair trade" campaigners know
    full well. For example, the Maquila Solidarity Network (www.maquilasolidarity.org)
    advises, "Don’t promote a blanket boycott of all goods produced by child
    labour," precisely on the grounds that simply withdrawing custom and leaving
    nothing in its place is harmful to those they want to help. The Ethical Trade
    Initiative (www.ethicaltrade.org) base code prohibits "new recruitment
    of child labour" and insists that member "companies shall develop
    or participate in and contribute to policies and programmes which provide for
    the transition of any child found to be performing child labour to enable her
    or him to attend and remain in quality education until no longer a child."

    The point is simple. Poor working conditions may be better than nothing, but
    that does not justify us supporting poor working conditions. The alternative
    should not be nothing but making things better. A parent who feeds their child
    junk food cannot say that they should not be criticised because junk food is
    better than no food. The point is the parent has the choice to offer proper
    food.

    So often "better than nothing" arguments simply gloss over the possibility
    of changing things for the better and only draw comparisons with the even worse
    option of "nothing". If it is genuinely the case that the only options
    are something bad, and nothing, which is even worse, that does present a real
    moral dilemma. But most of the time these aren’t the only options.

    Consider one final example. It may be better for all parties concerned if you
    buy a child to be your personal slave from a poor family starving to death rather
    than just leave them. But does that really make it morally justifiable? After
    all, if you can afford to buy a slave, you can afford just to give them the
    money and take nothing in return. That too is better than nothing, but also
    much better than the other alternative.

  • Education and Inequality

    Inequality is an old and vexed issue. Isaiah rebuked Israel for grinding the faces of the poor, Thersites got himself beaten up for complaining about Agamemnon, and so it has gone ever since. From Marx to Rawls to Michael Young, equality and meritocracy, justice and opportunity, class and race, money and taxes, jobs and immigration, education and tuition and top-up fees, have been debated and re-debated.

    Education, especially higher education, is one area where tensions and disagreements about inequality play themselves out with extra passion. Many citizens, parents, students, employers, thinkers would like to see higher education available to more people and especially to a wider range of people: more women, more non-white people, more poor people. The difficulty is in the question of how this is to be accomplished. Is it enough for universities to recruit students energetically? Or should universities lower some barriers to admission? Should they take into account the better education middle class and upper class children get, and thus accept lower test scores and marks from applicants without such useful backgrounds? Or should they be strictly impartial when allocating points and grade all comers in exactly the same way?

    It’s a complicated issue, and there are drawbacks and advantages to either policy. It’s an exasperating aspect of the debate that neither side is generally very good at noticing or facing up to the drawbacks of the policy it favours. But it is true that a decision to give applicants extra points for coming from a bad school or being a racial minority or growing up in poverty, will mean rejecting applicants with higher marks. This not only seems unfair on the face of it, it also subtly denigrates the academic learning and hard work that education is meant to be about. And on the other hand it also is true that students who have grown up with books in the house and a quiet place to do lessons and small classes in safe schools have had fewer obstacles than students who haven’t grown up that way. But then are those advantages themselves unfair, or the result of parental choices and sacrifices that shouldn’t be punished? But should poor parents be punished for not having the chance even to make such choices? And so on. Naturally, the sides do have to choose one position or the other in order to act, but the debate might be less acrimonious if both admitted the complexity of the issue.

    The policy of helping disadvantaged students to get into universities is called Affirmative Action in the US, positive discrimination in the UK, and in both places it can kick off firestorms of recrimination and anger. There is a case from the University of Michigan before the US Supreme Court now, and there was another in 1978. Individual states have passed ballot measures outlawing Affirmative Action. The issue does not go away. In the UK it flared up in the first week of March 2003 when the University of Bristol acknowledged that it admits some state school students ahead of better qualified private school ones. The main public schools associations, The Headmasters Conference and Girls Schools Association, declared a boycott of Bristol, claiming that their pupils were being treated unfairly, and the newspapers had a field day.

    So we thought it would be useful to pull together some links on the subject. And add some definitions. In the US, public schools are free and open to all, private schools charge fees and often have selective admissions. In the UK, public schools charge fees and often have selective admissions, state schools are free and open to all, and independent or private schools charge fees and often have selective admissions but are generally less expensive and less selective than public schools.

    External Resources

  • Green Welly Image

    The Independent on Bristol’s admissions policy.

  • Tinpot Trotskyists Running Bristol Admissions?

    The Observer samples press coverage of the row over Bristol’s acceptance of lower marks for students from state schools.

  • Bristol University, social class and meritocracy

    Can a university have too many well-off students?

  • I Win I Win

    Sometimes I find myself in an odd sort of competition with friends from other countries, specifically the UK: we argue over which of us lives in the more anti-intellectual culture. I say I do, they say they do, and so we improve the shining hour.

    But I have a nice little piece of evidence here. Specifically this remark:

    One reason people trained as philosophers press so hard for academic jobs is that the United States offers few other opportunities to use their training. Television here, unlike its counterparts in Europe and Asia, almost completely ignores university and intellectual life. So do radio and print journalism, devoting far more airtime and space to sports.

    I rest my case. Who can deny it? Is there any equivalent of, say, Radio 4’s ‘Start the Week’ in the US? There is not. Are you kidding? A show on a mainstream (not even the more avowedly ‘highbrow’ Radio 3) radio station where five people talk about serious books and ideas, about books that all five of them have actually read, for a whole hour? I don’t think so! Do we see a lot of people starting their own philosophy magazines in the US and actually making a go of it? Not that I’m aware of!

    No, I think I get to declare myself the winner in that particular game.