‘The success of scientific explanations of the natural world makes religious explanations redundant.’
Month: November 2006
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Oral History Bumps into Regulation
With colleges wary of potential lawsuits, oral historians find their work caught up in regulatory reviews.
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Michael Walzer on the Utilitarianism of Extremity
When our deepest values are radically at risk, the constraints lose their grip.
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Why Arendt Matters
Arendt blurred categories; a philosopher who offered notes on the very latest world affairs.
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Ronald Dworkin Reviews Peter Kramer’s Freud
‘Freudian analysis is not science; it is fashion, totally dependent on public acclaim.’
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How to Train a Computer to Think Like a Person
Intelligence Augmentation uses human beings as part of computer programs.
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Scott McLemee on the Yale Book of Quotations
Billie Holliday and Bob Dylan, worth the space, but ‘Plop plop fizz fizz’?
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Nigel Warburton Interviews Stephen Law
Consider the relationship between sentimentality and Christmas.
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Are we rational self-interested choosers?
The fact is that most of the people engaged in political violence today—from the Basque country to the Philippines—are not fighting for individual rights, nor for that matter are they fighting to establish an Islamist caliphate. Most are fighting for a national homeland for the ethnic nation to which they belong. For most human beings other than deracinated north Atlantic elites, the question of the unit of government is more important than the form of government, which can be settled later, after a stateless nation has obtained its own state. And as the hostility towards Israel of democratically elected governments in Palestine, Iraq and Lebanon shows, democracy can express, even inflame, pre-existing national hatreds and rivalries; it is not a cure for them.
Michael Lind, ‘The World After Bush’, Prospect, November 2006
I’ve linked a nice article from the current issue of Prospect on the end of, what the author calls, the neo-conservative and neo-liberal dreams of the 1990s. Most of his analyses and predictions seem plausible and much of what he predicts seems ok. The unipolar world envisaged by neo-cons, with the US running the show, he predicts is not going to happen. I’m ok with that. Laissez-faire capitalism will not take over. I’m definitely ok with that.
It’s the suggestion that the ethnic-based nation-state will remain the aspiration for most human beings “other than deracinated north Atlantic elites” that sticks in my craw. Clearly this is currently the case. But one hopes that eventually it will not be so. At least the line I’m running is that deracination is the ideal for which we should strive so that, ideally, everyone will approximate the idea of this north Atlantic elite.
Now the question becomes: given that most of the world’s population has very different aspirations from us, the deracinated, cosmopolitan elite, on what grounds can we argue that they ought to become more like us? Why not de gustibus: they like ethnicity–we like deracination; we’re individualists–they’re communitarians; they say “tom-ay-to”–we say “tom-ah-to”? Here is an argument though.
There are no communitarians–at least not on the ground (as distinct from the Ivory Tower). Everyone is after individual rights. It is just that in most circumstances the only way people can secure individual rights is by getting a national homeland for the ethnic nation to which they belong. Most people are tribal: they live under a social contract according to which everyone takes care of their own and no one is expected to take care of anyone else. They expect their tribes-mates to provide hospitality, hire them, provide patronage when in power and charity if need be and recognize an obligation to do the same for tribes-mates. They don’t recognize any obligation to look after “strangers” in this way or expect “strangers” to look after them. Indeed, treating outsiders like family or putting the interests of others ahead of the interests of your own breaks the social contract. Once an individual breaks his contract he’s no longer trustworthy: his tribes-mates can no longer assume that he’ll meet his obligations to them and so no longer have any compelling reason to take care of him.
Among the north Atlantic elite, it doesn’t matter very much whether the nation to which we belong has its own state because we recognize an obligation to take care of everyone and expect others to take care of us through impersonal social mechanisms. The state will provide benefits to us, regardless of race, creed or color; employers will hire on the basis of merit–or at least this is the official view–and those who discriminate will be dealt with by the state. When it comes to patronage, politicians will take care of their constituents, whether or not they’re members of the same tribe so these days ethnic bloc voting has largely disappeared: we don’t have to vote for tribes-mates to insure that our interests will be promoted.
It is very different in tribal societies like Iraq, Kenya, or Northern New Jersey–at least when I was growing up. There, it is essential for your well-being that your tribe have turf or, failing that, power. If you are a member of a minority tribe on someone else’s turf you will not be taken care of by members of the dominant tribe who control government, business, unions, the Mob and other amenities. If your tribe is sufficiently powerful there will be log-rolling and deals will be cut–political positions will be reserved for your tribes-mates who will dispense patronage to their own. If members of your tribe own businesses you may be hired; if they control unions you may be apprenticed. If however your tribe has no power or if such deals aren’t cut on behalf of your tribe then you, as an individual, will not be taken care of because everyone takes care of his own unless deals are cut. Of course this means that you have to vote in and otherwise support your tribes-mates to see to it that they have the power to pull for you. However it’s best for you as an individual if your tribe has its own turf since, in the tribal system, only tribal power and turf can guarantee individual rights. Therefore as a rational self-interested chooser, in the interest of securing individual rights, you support your tribe.
The problem is that the tribal mechanism for supporting individual rights is inefficient. Unless we want to revert to a world of isolated hunter-gather bands, or at best, isolated self-sufficient villages, it isn’t practical for every tribe to have its own turf, the wheeling-dealing involved in tribal log-rolling is very expensive and lots of people fall through the cracks. Moreover, tribal warfare is always a real and present danger and demagogues can exploit it to gain power–like Southern segregationists in the bad old days turning working class whites against working class blacks, Kenyan politicians conjuring up “tribal clashes,” or nativists pumping up anti-immigrant sentiment to promote their own interests. Tribalism is self-perpetuating–people get caught in an evil net–but when people have the choice most prefer deracinated, cosmopolitan societies.
That last is an empirical claim and a claim about what most people prefer. There will always be Romantics, nostalgic for tribalism, especially for idealized versions of tribalism that never existed and the progress from tribalism to universalism is uneven–ratcheting up, and falling back–but overall, the trend is from tribalism to universalism, from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft, from smaller to larger social units. Very few people want to go back and and people who’ve had it both ways almost always prefer modernity to tribalism. I grew up in a tribal society and I can vouch for that. I can also vouch for the fact that of the many Romantics I know who fantisize about the joys of tribalism, not one of them has experienced it first hand from the inside as I did. It’s all very well to sentimentalize about “My Big, Fat Greek Wedding,” Samoa as misdescribed by Margaret Mead, the Middle Ages, the hunter-gatherers of the Amazon or any of the other tribal societies, real or imagined, that are part of the public mythos. Those of us who’ve known tribal societies from the inside and gotten out know just how completely awful they are and would never, never want to go back.
That is why, I argue, it would be better if tribalism were obliterated: if it’s feasible for people to live like the deracinated north Atlantic elite, ceteris paribus, that’s what they prefer. Modern societies, non-tribal arrangements, are just a lot better at getting people what they want.
This article was first published at The Enlightenment Project and is republished here by permission. H E Baber teaches philosophy at the University of San Diego; she is completing a book on multiculturalism to be published by Prometheus Press.
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Ken Livingstone on Multiculturalism
‘What is prohibited is one group or person imposing their will on others.’ Tell that to al Qaradawi.
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Oxfam Report on Education in Afghanistan
Seven million Afghan children are out of school while five million children attend school.
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Oxfam Says Most Afghan Children Not in School
Girls are particularly losing out: 1 in 5 girls in primary, 1 in 20 in secondary school.
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Misery of Women in Afghanistan
‘We were very happy. Rawa came and talked about how they could help us. But that has stopped now.’
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Taliban Tear Teacher to Pieces; He Taught Girls
He was part-disembowelled and then torn apart with his arms and legs tied to motorbikes.
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Sharia Law Spreading in the UK
‘Some lawyers welcomed the advance of what has become known as “legal pluralism”.’
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Where this ends and that begins
From Geoffrey Nunberg’s new book Talking Right page 134.
In the 1920s, the [Wall Street] Journal warned against the threats to freedom that were implicit in minimum wage laws [and] the child-labor amendment to the Constitution (“an assault upon the economic independence of the family…”)
I’ll get to my point, but first I’ll clear up a detail. I frowned in puzzlement when I read that, thinking ‘The – ? I didn’t know there was a child-labor amendment to the Constitution. Ignorant me.’ So I looked it up, and there isn’t; Nunberg apparently meant attempts to pass a child-labor amendment, which (no doubt with the help of the WSJ) failed.
But my point is that that is another example of the kind of thing I was talking about in that comment on Michael Bérubé’s book (What’s Liberal About the Liberal Arts). It’s another example of tensions among the freedoms, entitlements, rights, wants, and needs of different people; another example of the fact that a protective law for one person may be an interference with the freedom of action of another person; and that this situation isn’t even all that rare or hard to find. We don’t think about the child labor example much in the US now, because even reactionaries mostly don’t want to defend child labor any more; like slavery, that idea is pretty dead. But there was a time when the WSJ framed child labor laws as an assault upon the economic independence of the family, which of course it is. And a good thing too, but not everyone thinks so and not everyone has always thought so.
Michael replied to my comment last week, at the end of a longer reply to a review by Jodi Dean. He found my point (cough) reasonable (that’s his cough, but I’ll cough too, because I might as well). We agree that it is a problem, indeed the problem.
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Both sides
Alan Boyle posted Allen Esterson’s reply to Troemel-Ploetz on ‘Cosmic Log’ today. I meant to say something else about the November 20 post (the one with Troemel-Ploetz’s reply) yesterday but I forgot. (I know, I know. But I can only hold one thought in my head at a time. Be patient with me.) But it’s interesting, and it’s always coming up. It’s something Boyle said this time:
We’ve gone back and forth over the role that Albert Einstein’s first wife, Mileva Maric, may have played in the development of the special theory of relativity…and now I’ve gotten the other side of the story from Senta Troemel-Ploetz…
The other side. Of the story. But it isn’t a story, and there isn’t another side.
Or, of course, it is and there is, in a sense, but in another and more important sense, it isn’t and there isn’t. It is a story in the sense that journalists mean a story: it can be shaped into a story, it has some interest. There is another side in the sense that journalists mean another side: there is someone who said something. But that is not a very weighty sense. There is no story in the sense of a genuine, valid, difficult controversy with merit on each side of the question. There is no other side in the sense of a claim backed up by a lot of (or even a moderate amount of) genuine evidence or by compelling questions about missing evidence or shaky inferences. There is simply a claim, based on almost no real evidence (I say ‘almost’ simply because ‘our work’ could perhaps in conjunction with a lot more, real evidence be considered one piece) and a lot of wild surmise and ‘for all we know’ hand-waving. That’s not an ‘other side’ in the normal meaning of the term. But that’s how journalism does these things, which is one reason there’s so much nonsense flying up and down the corridors. Somebody claims something; with a little luck and hard work, the something makes it into a newspaper or a movie or a book or tv; the something gets passed around and discussed and chatted about, and in a few short months it has become common knowledge. And then we’re stuck with it. And then people with better sense become aware that this claimed something has become common knowledge and they point out that it is based on little or nothing and is, if one looks into the matter carefully and impartially and with an attention to evidence, wrong. But what happens then is not necessarily that everyone looks at the evidence on both sides and promptly grasps that side one has no evidence to speak of but just said something one day while the other side has abundant evidence that things were otherwise; no; what happens then is often that people simply say ‘Ah, two sides here, let us have balance and attend to both sides.’
Often of course that is just the right thing to do. Often there are, even, more than two sides. But not always. Not always. If the original claim is just…more or less pulled out of someone’s (cough) ear, then giving equal time and attention to both sides may well be just a waste of time and attention, and in addition to that it may be misleading to the unwary, who think that if there are two sides there must be two sides with a good case and sound evidence. Alas for the innocent and pure of heart.
A reader who commented at Cosmic Log sees things that way. It would be right if it were right, but in fact…it isn’t.
It seems to me that there is a fundamental difference of opinion here which can never be resolved until someone invents a time machine, and goes back to find out. Each point of view is an opinion which cannot be verified by objective fact. The fragmentary evidence which exists does not support either side of the argument except when taken out of context, because the larger context no longer exists, both parties under examination having been dead for some time.
Well, in this particular example, that just isn’t the case: the evidence does support Allen’s side of the argument – more especially since in fact Troemel-Ploetz offered literally no evidence at all. Sometimes the ‘both sides of the story’ thing can just confuse the audience.
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Chemistry Teacher Urges Teaching of ID
‘There’s little enough time with the school curriculum to deal with real science,’ says Phil Willis.
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Christina Odone is Cross at Dawkins
‘Creationism and ID have long been part of our heritage and have failed to infect it.’ Oh?
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Please Teach Holistic Science
Reductionist scientific model keeps broader, more holistic science out. Tragic.
