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  • Einstein’s Wife: An Open Letter to PBS

    In March 2006 I sent a detailed complaint to the PBS Ombudsman about the numerous factual errors on their Einstein’s Wife
    webpages. Due to a communications mix-up at PBS I only received a response on 20 November, although it was ready for sending in July. It comprised a reply to my
    critique
    of the “Einstein’s Wife” film, solicited from the writer/producer Geraldine Hilton, of which more below.[1] First let me note that the lack of disinterestedness on the part of PBS is indicated by the fact that the only person consulted was the writer/producer of the “Einstein’s Wife” film, who naturally will defend her product however flawed, and that the three Einstein scholars with considerable knowledge of the documentary evidence who were interviewed for the film were not contacted. Second, and most important, is the remarkable fact that although my complaint was addressed to PBS, there has been no response addressing my citing the numerous erroneous and misleading statements on the PBS website. I reiterate below just a few of the many falsehoods propagated on the website in question.

    First note that the PBS statement on Editorial Standards says: “Producers of informational content must exercise extreme care in verifying information…and be prepared to correct material errors.”

    That seems clear enough. But now let’s turn to the “Einstein’s Wife” website, which purports to “explore” the facts pertaining to the alleged contributions Einstein’s first wife, Mileva Marić, made to Einstein’s early work, most notably the celebrated papers of 1905. On the main page we find the following statement about Marić:

    “The world only learned of her existence through the first release of Einstein’s private letters in 1987.”

    Did the producers of this webpage “exercise extreme care” in verifying this information? Did they, for instance, ask someone with the most minimal expertise in the literature on Einstein if this statement is correct? Did they exercise the most cursory “care” by dropping in to their local library and examining any biography of Einstein that was published before 1987? Evidently not. Virtually every biography published prior to that date mentions Marić, sometimes giving considerable information about her. These, for instance:

    Reiser, A. (1930). Albert Einstein: A Biographical Portrait.
    Frank, P. (1948). Einstein: His Life and Times.
    Seelig, C. (1956). Albert Einstein: A Documentary Biography.
    Michelmore, P. (1962). Einstein: Profile of the Man.
    Forsee, A. (1963). Albert Einstein: Theoretical Physicist.
    Clark, R. (1971). Einstein: The Life and Times.
    Hoffman, B. and Dukas, H. (1973). Albert Einstein, Creator and Rebel.

    The “Einstein’s Wife” producers were informed of the error in March 2006. Plenty of time to have checked the facts and follow the Editorial Standards directive to “correct material errors” one would think. But that almost embarrassingly blatant falsehood remains uncorrected.

    Or try this. The PBS website says: “Unlike Mileva, Einstein doesn’t like dealing with statistics.” There is not one iota of evidence that Marić liked dealing with statistics, nor a single document containing any mention of her ideas on the subject. Einstein, in contrast, made major contributions to statistical physics during a period of over two decades, from his earliest published papers through to the development of Bose-Einstein statistics in the mid-1920s.[2]

    The PBS statement on editorial standards says: “Producers of informational content must exercise extreme care in verifying information.” Did the producers of the “Einstein’s Wife” website material consult someone with knowledge of Einstein’s work to check the absurd statement about Einstein and statistics? Evidently not. PBS was informed of their erroneous statement in March 2006. It remains uncorrected.

    Again: “There is at least one printed report in which [Soviet physicist] Joffe declared that he personally saw the names of two authors on the 1905 papers.”

    This is false. In the “report” in question (an article commemorating Albert Einstein), Joffe did not state that he personally saw the original 1905 manuscripts, nor that there were two authors of these papers. On the contrary, he unequivocally attributed the authorship to one person, at the time “a bureaucrat at the Patent Office in Bern” – namely, Albert Einstein. The claim in question has been comprehensively refuted by both Alberto Martinez and John Stachel.[3] PBS was informed in March 2006 that the statement was erroneous, with full scholarly citations. It remains uncorrected.

    Incidentally, the (false) claims about Joffe would entail that Marić co-authored the three most celebrated of Einstein’s 1905 papers. There is not a single document that indicates that Marić had any ideas about special relativity theory, Brownian Motion and the photoelectric effect. Nor is there a single letter or other document in which Marić even remotely suggests she made any contributions to these papers.

    Again: “In the summer of 1900 they [Einstein and Marić] both failed their final exams.” Apparently the writer of this sentence was unable to consult volume 1 of Einstein’s Collected Papers (document 67), in which can be found the official notification from the Zurich Polytechnic Conference of Examiners that Einstein was awarded the Diploma for teaching mathematics and physics in secondary schools in July 1900. The false statement remains uncorrected.

    Now let’s turn to the PBS “Einstein’s Wife” classroom Lesson Plans for high schools. Under the heading “Preparation for Teachers” there are suggestions on how to conduct the lessons, based on material supplied by PBS. As these are intended for schoolchildren one might anticipate that they would provide an exemplary lesson on the examination of the historical facts pertaining to the subject matter in question. Let’s see. In Lesson 1 teachers are told: “Encourage students to understand that she [Marić] was a gifted scholar and scientist prior to meeting Albert Einstein.”

    Now Marić met Einstein at the beginning of the course they both started in 1896 at Zurich Polytechnic for a diploma for teaching physics and mathematics in high school. Let’s leave aside whether someone should be called a “gifted scholar” on the basis of excellent grades in the matura examination (high school graduation exams), although her record in the intermediate and final diploma exams were mediocre (Marić’s grade placed her fifth out of six candidates in their group in the intermediate diploma exam, and she twice failed the final diploma examination), and consider the other part of the statement.

    There is not a single item of evidence to support the claim that at the time she met Einstein she was a gifted scientist in any meaningful sense of the term. She had recently graduated from high school, and from that time (as later) there are no documents to suggest independent work outside the school curriculum. In other words, teachers are instructed to encourage students to “understand” a blatantly false assertion – that Marić was a gifted scientist when she was merely a recent high school graduate. Even by the most liberal interpretation of “scientist” this is an absurdity – but one pressed upon unsuspecting teachers (and through them, their innocent school students) by the “Einstein’s Wife” production team. PBS has done nothing to correct this nonsensical statement.

    In Lesson 2 we read in relation to the semester that Marić spent at Heidelberg University in the winter of 1897-1898: “She brought back information that served as part of the foundation of quantum mechanics.”

    One feature of the “Einstein’s Wife” website is the ignorance of the writer(s) in relation to the relevant physics, and this is in evidence here. What is being alluded to is Einstein’s 1905 paper on the photoelectric effect, in which he extended the notion of light quanta (introduced by Planck in 1900) to provide what was effectively the beginnings of quantum physics. In the 1905 paper Einstein provided a revolutionary explanation of experimental results that had been obtained by Philipp Lenard, and it is purely on the grounds that Marić alluded to a single lecture of Lenard’s in one letter she wrote to Einstein in late 1897 that the above statement is made on the PBS website. However (i) the course given by Lenard was on the subject of Heat Theory and Electrodynamics, and (ii) the experimental results on the photoelectric effect that Einstein explained in his 1905 paper were not obtained for several years after this (and published by Lenard in 1902). In other words, the statement in question is scientific nonsense. This nonsense remains uncorrected on the “Einstein’s Wife” website. Worse, it is provided for teachers to peddle to innocent school students, who will naturally assume that the writers of the material know what they are talking about.

    In Lesson 3 the information provided for teachers reiterates the assertion that “They both failed their exams”, this time with the additional claim that “Albert’s grades were rounded up to a passing mark and Mileva’s grades were not.” So to the false claim that Einstein failed his diploma exam is now added the equally false assertion that the Zurich Polytechnic Conference of Examiners “rounded up” Einstein’s grades to ensure he achieved the required standard. There is not a scrap of evidence that this was the case.[4] But evidence is the last thing that the producers of this material are concerned about. When the story is the object of the enterprise, what need is there for reliable evidence (or indeed, in many cases, any evidence at all)?

    This far from exhausts the errors and misconceptions that pervade the “Einstein’s Wife” website and associated Lesson Plans. In my submission to PBS in March 2006 I documented more than a score of erroneous or misleading statements,[5] now more concisely listed here. Notwithstanding their stated editorial policy, PBS has not made a single correction to the website in question. Instead it has preferred to adhere to the adage “Never let the facts get in the way of a good story.”

    Evidently the PBS writers and producers involved in this project feel able to disregard its Editorial Standards policies with impunity when they wish to propagate material with which they are in sympathy. Especially deplorable are the school Lesson Plans, with instructions to teachers that resemble propaganda rather more than a disinterested investigation instituted by an organization that prides itself on being the largest educator in the United States. These Lesson Plans are, effectively, a means by which unsuspecting teachers are encouraged to collude in misleading their students – just as the PBS “Einstein’s Wife” website as a whole misleads the American (and wider) public.

    NOTES

    1. The response by Geraldine Hilton to my critique of her film “Einstein’s Wife”, with my reply, is here
    2. “Einstein on the Foundations of Statistical Physics.” The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein, Vol. 2, 1987, ed. J. Stachel et al, pp. 41-55.
    “Statistical Physics” and “The Birth of Quantum Statistics” in A. Pais, Subtle is the Lord: The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein, Oxford University Press, 1982, pp. 55-78; 423-434.
    3. Martinez, A. A. (2005). Handling Evidence in History: The Case of Einstein’s Wife. School Science Review, March 2005, 86(316), pp. 51-52.
    Stachel, J. (ed.) (2005). Einstein’s Miraculous Year: Five Papers That Changed
    the Face of Physics. Princeton University Press, pp. liv-lxiii.
    4. Stachel, J. (2002). Einstein From ‘B’ to ‘Z’, Birkhäuser, pp. 32-33.
    5. Mileva Mari&#263: Einstein’s Wife 2.

    PBS has been invited to submit a response to this Open Letter.

  • New Office of Public Policy in Washington, D.C.

    PRESS RELEASE
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

    Contact: Nathan Bupp
    Phone: (716) 636-4869 x 218
    E-mail: nbupp@centerforinquiry.net

    Washington, D.C. (November 14, 2006)—The Center for Inquiry/Transnational, a think tank devoted to promoting reason and science in all areas of human interest, announced today that it is opening a new Office of Public Policy in Washington, D.C. This initiative will mark an unprecedented drive to bring a rigorous defense of science and secular values to policy makers located at the focal point of America’s political and cultural battleground.

    Paul Kurtz, chairman and founder of the Center for Inquiry/Transnational and a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, says that the foundations of our democratic society are now under attack. “The social and scientific progress we take for granted has been advanced by a basic scientific philosophical point of view: scientific naturalism,” said Kurtz. “The methods of the sciences, and the assumptions upon which they are based, are being challenged culturally in the United States today as never before. Despite its success in providing us with unparalleled benefits, religious fundamentalists seek to inhibit free inquiry and to misrepresent the tested conclusions of scientific naturalism. This is a highly charged political issue—both science and secularism are under political attack.”

    With these concerns in mind, the new office released a declaration, “In Defense of Science and Secularism,” at a news conference held today at the National Press Club. Signed by Nobel Prize winners Steven Weinberg and Paul Boyer, as well as many leading scientists and public intellectuals, including E.O. Wilson, Ann Druyan, Lawrence Krauss, Peter Singer, Leon Jaroff, Arthur Caplan, and Elizabeth Loftus, the document calls on political leaders of both parties to “base public policy insofar as possible on empirical evidence instead of religious faith,” to “maintain a strict separation between church and state,” and “protect and promote scientific inquiry.”

    Spokespersons for the Center say that several public-policy controversies have illustrated the public need for a broad expertise in scientific naturalism. From President Bush’s political veto of Congress’s bipartisan bill to expand federal funding of stem cell research to the Intelligent Design debate, to an appointed spokesperson from NASA insisting that references to the Big Bang be diluted with language stating that NASA takes no position on whether the Big Bang actually happened—all indicate what experts at the Center for Inquiry call “part of a broader cultural war on scientific naturalism and the Enlightenment in general.” Science advocates said this illustrates how both the will of the majority and scientific progress are under attack at the very highest levels.

    Kurtz said that the new Office of Public Policy will draw on the Center’s relationship with leading scientists, academics, and public intellectuals, who all share the Center’s stated purpose and concerns. “We intend to develop relationships with sympathetic legislators in Washington, D.C., and will provide experts to testify in legislative hearings,” said Toni Van Pelt, Policy Director for the office. “We will submit position papers, solicited from our network of fellows and scholars, and work with legislators who care about science and reason to effect legislative responses to attacks on Enlightenment values,” continued Van Pelt.

    Ron Lindsay, an attorney, philosopher, and the Center’s legal director said, “We stand ready to provide the media and the American public with background, from a wide variety of experts in the physical and social sciences, on all major political issues.”

    In sum, the Center for Inquiry hopes to become a full-fledged player in the public-policy arena, aspiring to the ranks of organizations such as Brookings, Heritage, and Cato, all of which serve as both think tanks and public-policy advocates. They plan to set themselves apart, however, from many of the traditional think tanks located within the corridors of the Beltway, in that it will be the only think tank committed solely to science, reason, and secularism as the critical building blocks of American democracy. The new office maintains a Web site here.

    Declared Kurtz, “We have a vital role to play. We are part of the mainstream of American life—part of the Founding Fathers’ Enlightenment tradition—and essential for the vitality of future scientific research; we need to make that point abundantly clear.”

    The Center for Inquiry is a nonprofit, educational, advocacy, and scientific-research think tank based in Amherst, New York. The Center is home to the Council for Secular Humanism and the Committee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal (CSICOP), publishers respectively of FREE INQUIRY and SKEPTICAL INQUIRER magazines. The Center’s Web site is here.

  • Revisiting the question of the veil

    The question of the veil has become a heated debate in the British media. In this debate some fundamental principles seem to be at stake: individual freedom to practice one’s religion, freedom of choice, freedom of clothing and discrimination against a particular community, that is, the so-called Muslim community. Islamists and some human rights activists maintain that the so-called Muslim community is being stigmatized and has been under racist attack since September 11th. They argue that the latest attempts to ban the burqa or the niqab are a violation of individual freedom and another racist attack on Muslims. Let’s examine these issues more closely.

    Two events following one another brought up the question of the Islamic veil in the British media: Jack Straw’s comment on the women wearing the niqab, and the case of Aishah Azmi, a 24 year old support teacher, who was ordered to take off her full veil, including the niqab, when teaching. She took the school to court and the court decided in the school’s favour, and so she appealed against the court’s decision.

    In my opinion defending the right to wear the veil in any form or shape and in any circumstances as freedom of choice is fallacious. It overlooks other, just as important, rights recognised by modern civil society. In unconditionally defending the right to wear the veil, one comes, at best, into collision with other set of rights, i.e. children’s rights, women’s rights, societal rights, and the principle of secularism. In debating about the freedom of wearing the veil, one must take different circumstances into consideration. 1. The age of the person wearing the veil. 2. The extent of the veil and 3. Where the veil is worn.

    Why are these factors relevant in the discussion?

    First and foremost it is important to define what the veil is. Is it only a fashion item, a mere clothing style? The argument that classifies the veil as a style of clothing is totally misleading. The veil is a religious ritual, a religious costume. Moreover, nowadays the veil has become the political banner of a political movement, namely, political Islam. The veil has become the symbol of Islamic power. Wherever Islamists gain power, they force the veil on women, as a sign of their victory and supremacy.

    Why is this argument relevant to our discussion? It may be argued that irrespective of its religious or political character and significance, one must be free to wear any “political or religious symbol” one chooses to wear. My response, and I believe many others’, to this is a categorical NO. It must be said that in most countries, including Western democracies, there are certain dress codes at workplaces and wearing different political or religious symbols is not allowed in the workplace. Therefore, the veil must also be viewed in this light. We should tear out all this romantic falsification surrounding the veil. The veil is a religious and political symbol of a religion and movement that degrades and deprives women.

    The veil as a symbol of women’s subjugation

    The veil is both the symbol and the tool for women’s subjugation. Islam, like all other religions, is a misogynist ideology. Islam is a direct product of patriarchy. Islam, particularly, due to its earthly characteristics, penetrates every aspect of the private and social lives of men and women. A woman, according to Islam, is an extension and subject of a man. She does not have an independent identity, and is defined by her master. The veil has been prescribed to hide men’s property from potential violators. A “free” woman, according to Islam, is considered an open and free target.

    It is absurd to regard the veil as a fashion item, or a dress style. We should define the veil as it really is, and as it really functions in the lives of many women under the rule of Islam: a symbol of servitude and subjugation.

    Nevertheless, it may be argued that, if one chooses a life of servitude, one should be free to do so. Modern civil society has a different answer to this argument. In a free, modern civil society, when safeguarding human rights, children’s rights or women’s rights, there are laws limiting individuals’ right to harm themselves or to deprive themselves of certain rights and privileges. By the same token, there must be some limitations imposed on the use of the veil. This is perhaps where some disagreements arise. This is where those above-mentioned circumstances come into the picture.

    The veil must be banned for underage girls

    One of the achievements of the modern civil society is the recognition of society’s responsibility to safeguard children from any kind of abuse. The society must be responsible for children’s safety, happiness, health and their normal growth and development. Past decades have witnessed a great struggle by decent, human-loving individuals to establish the concept of children’s rights, to recognise children as an individual and not the property of their parents. This is a landmark achievement, which contradicts the essence of religion. According to Islam, the child is the property of the father or grandfather, who even have the right to take the child’s life. Therefore, modern children’s rights charters are in basic contradiction with religious laws and customs. They, in fact, nullify certain religious or “divine” rights. This must extend to girls living in Islamic communities.

    The veil is a pure discrimination against girls. It hampers their physical and mental development. It segregates them from the rest of the society. It restricts their growth and future development. It assigns to them a prescribed social role according to their gender and a division of labour. Therefore it must be banned. Society is duty-bound to safeguard free, healthy and normal development of these girls. It is a crime to ignore this obligation. Freedom of choice is purely nonsensical regarding the veil for underage girls. “A child has no religion.” It is the parents’ religion that is imposed on the child. Society must respect the child’s right to a free development. Just as modern society recognises the undeniable right to education for all children, bans child labour, and regards physical abuse of children as a major crime, it must also ban the veil for underage girls. This must be added to all international children’s rights charters. The veil is a physical, mental and social abuse of girls and it must be recognised as such by the international community.

    Secular society verses the veil

    In a secular society, religion must be a private affair of any individual. The state must be separated from religion and stay away from promoting any religion. A secular society can better defend individual rights and civil liberties. Contrary to the commonly held belief, religious hatred or communal stigmatization can better be avoided in a secular society. In a secular society, wearing or carrying any religious symbol at state institutions and in the place of education must be prohibited. By doing this, the state and the educational system avoid promoting any particular religion. Religion remains in the private sphere, and clashes between followers of different religions are somewhat avoided. Therefore, I believe that the recent legislation in France regarding the banning of wearing any religious symbols in state institutions and schools is an appropriate step in the right direction.

    However, I believe that its main shortcoming is to still allow private religious schools to operate. This leaves the girl’s fate in the hands of religiously-fanatic parents to send her to private religious school and ghettoize her life completely. This is not respecting individual freedom and civil liberties; this is discrimination against a group of girls who are isolated from the society at large and their lives are ghettoized by their parents and so-called leaders of their communities. The society must defend the right of children; girls living in Islamic communities are no exception. The society and the state have responsibility for their normal, healthy and happy development.

    The burqa or the niqab, an individual right or a societal right?

    The veil comes in different forms and shapes, from a scarf, to a robe-like loose garment that covers the woman’s whole body (it looks somewhat different in different countries, or according to different Islamic sects’ rules) and finally the burqa or the niqab. The burqa has become known as the symbol of theTaliban, the most severe restriction imposed on women’s appearance.

    Must a woman be allowed to cover herself under this most severe form of the veil? In my opinion: NO. The banning of the burqa or the niqab can be argued from two angles, 1) the societal right and 2) the women’s right.

    Firstly, in my opinion, when dealing with the burqa or the niqab, we surpass the sphere of individual rights. Here, we enter the sphere of what I call societal rights. The person under this kind of veil has no identity in the face of fellow citizens. The society cannot work with faceless humans. At a workplace, and I mean any workplace, it is the right of the fellow workers and customers to see the faces of colleagues and personnel. There is also the issue of trust at stake. You cannot trust the person who has covered their face. Eyes and facial expressions are the key to communication; if you hide these, there can be no real communication. Therefore, wearing the burqa or the niqab must be banned at the workplace.

    I believe that the question of trust and identity goes further than the workplace. It is just as important on the bus, in the park, in the recreation ground, and so on, that you can see the face of the person in your immediate surroundings. Here it is the question of individual rights verses the societal rights. There are instances where the society rightfully decides to deprive certain individuals of certain rights for the benefit of society as a whole. For example, banning smoking in public places and imposing severe restrictions on smokers, limits the individual rights of smokers, but it is defended on the basis of health benefit for the whole society. The burqa or the niqab must be banned for the benefit of society.

    Secondly, we argued above that the veil is a symbol and a tool for women’s subjugation and degradation. This is one of the main reasons for demanding that it be banned for underage girls. Nevertheless, we agreed that in a free society an individual has the right to choose servitude, if he/she chooses to do so. However, we also argued that there are certain limitations imposed on self-harming practices by individuals. Female circumcision, which after a long and hard battle became known as what the practice really is, being female genital mutilation, is now banned by many Western governments. Women’s rights activists had to fight vigorously in order to bring consciousness about this brutal practice and to ban it in many countries. There are many different religious sects and not all their practices are permitted by the law. Therefore, religious freedom does not mean freedom to practice just any religious command or custom.

    I believe that the burqa or the niqab should also be categorized as those religious practices prohibited by the law. The burqa or the niqab deprives a woman of any identity. By allowing its use, we recognise the existence of some identity-less women who walk around in a ghost-like shape. This is a real insult to human dignity. The society should not permit such a degree of degradation and humiliation of humans. This must fall under the category of the limitations society imposes on self-harming practices. I add in passing that I doubt deeply the nature of voluntary and free choice regarding the veil, particularly in this severe shape. But we will not get into this debate here.

    We should redefine the veil. We should debate this question widely and openly. Hopefully, we come to the agreement that certain limitations must be imposed on the veil: banning of all shapes of the veil for underage girls; the use of the veil at public workplaces and educational institutions; and a total ban on the burqa and the niqab.

    Email Azar Majedi

    AzarMajedi.com

    Organisation for Women’s Liberation Iran

  • A Bastion against Irrationalism

    Crews, Frederick. 2006. Follies of the Wise: Dissenting Essays. Emeryville, CA: Shoemaker & Hoard. Pp. 405.
    ISBN (10) 1-59376-101-5
    ISBN (13) 978-1-59376-101-1.

    Freud, Sigmund. 2006. Lettres à Wilhelm Fliess 1887-1904. Traduit de l’allemand par Françoise Kahn
    et François Robert. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France (Bibliothèque de Psychanalyse). Pp. 763.
    ISBN 2-13-054995-0.

    The other week my mailbox received the serendipitous joint arrival of — from America — the latest collection of Frederick Crews’s critical essays in book-form, and — from France — the long-awaited and long-delayed uncensored French edition of the complete letters of Freud to Wilhelm Fliess (published in English by Harvard University Press in 1985 and in German by S. Fischer Verlag in Germany in1986). If ever an instance were needed to illustrate the cultural and intellectual divide — far wider than the Atlantic — currently separating the French university system from the American one (at its best), this was surely it. The simultaneous arrival that day of my weekly le nouvel Observateur (no. 2188, du 13 au 18 octobre 2006) merely confirmed this state of affairs. On the cover were Sigmund Freud and, almost leaning on his right shoulder, the faithful daughter, Anna Freud, and over the cover-photo the announcement of the publication of the French translation of the unexpurgated letters to Fliess on this sesquicentennial year: “Freud inédit. Révélations sur la naissance de la PSYCHANALYSE“. I almost expected a Boutique fantasque ballet between the competing papers, books, and wrappings so promiscuously bundled together in my inert mailbox. But all was safely transported upstairs to my dining table where I could consider the relative qualities of the protagonists.

    The latest volume of collected essays by Frederick Crews, Follies of the Wise, is without any doubt the most timely of his several books. Although a “collection” of essays, largely published previously by The New York Review of Books, the volume has its own inner coherence: it is beautifully constructed and its four defined sections lead naturally the inquisitive, curious mind of the reader (and Crews demands his readers to have such minds!) from one instance of woolly ( i.e. unempirical, i.e. “thoughtless”) response to a more intelligently engaged involvement with the text. Of prime — but by no means sole — concern are the various proven rhetorical malfeasances of Sigmund Freud and the consequences of this blight throughout the whole of the Twentieth Century on clear thought in the fields of psychology, psychiatry, therapy, and “medical” therapies of various inventions. Crews does not say so in so many words — he leaves the reader to conclude appropriately — but, inevitably, Freud has been the single most disastrous invader (Freud’s term was “conquistador“) of the medical profession of psychiatry. Freud’s various influences have been in every measure negative and, on more than one occasion, literally deadly — from his misleading narratives of imaginary cures of misdiagnosed hysteria to the massive productions of family disintegration in North America via the production of false “repressed” memories dependent upon the therapeutic continuation and enactment of his theories of human psychological development. (On this specific issue one should read the excellent little book by the Harvard professor of psychiatry, Harrison G. Pope, Jr., 1997. Psychology Astray: Fallacies in Studies of “Repressed Memory” and Childhood Trauma. Boca Raton, FL: Upton Books).

    Follies of the Wise is divided into four thematic sections (each with its own chapters) and two wonderfully informative conversational Appendices with representatives of the Universities he had been invited to speak at– one on Crews’s refusal to soft-pedal Darwinism when dealing with Creationism; the other on the sheer useless pseudo-scientific gibberish of Lacanism. It is in this latter Appendix (at the very end of the book) that we learn that Frederick Crews was one of the early confidants of Alan Sokal before the decision to publish the now-famous Social Text hoax article, the mock paper on deconstruction and quantum gravity — that Crews refers to joyfully as “surely the finest travesty of academic irrationalism ever written”. (The book by Alan Sokal & Jean Bricmont, Impostures intellectuelles, published in Paris in 1997 by Odile Jacob, caused an academic tsunami — from which the French are still recovering!)

    The four thematic divisions are the following: “The Antiscience” (dealing largely with the early Freud’s proposals and the unhelpful contributions of his recent American defenders ( e.g. Lear and Wollheim); “Modern Deviltry” (dealing with the “diagnostic follies” of recovered memory cases, the gross insufficiencies of the Swiss (Freudian) based “Ink-blot” test of Rorschach; “The Will to Believe” which deals with the Madame Blavatsky contribution to civilization of “Theosophy” and goes on to belabour the Creationists “and their Friends”; and, finally, “A Discipline in Crisis” where Crews is particularly (and rightly) critical of the notions bruited abroad in the Humanities by the “Poststructuralists”. These theoretically-driven denizens of the tenure-track posts in the Humanities departments of North American universities have not only relentlessly damaged their profession and their tame undergraduates,they have used in the most seductive and stupid ways possible the rhetorically persuasive arguments of Freud-AND-Marx. The combination has proved awkward to deal with in the United States — virtually impossible to challenge in France (for lack of an honest audience).

    Crews’s compilation is in every sense a breath of fresh air for those suffocating under the oxygen-deprived atmosphere of the Common-Room. Yes! you may dare to think again! This is no guarantee of immortality.

    For that you may need the assistance of Michael Schröter, Gerhard Fichtner, and Françoise Kahn & François Robert. The first two named are the German experts at Tübingen who deciphered and corrected the hand-written ur-text of Freud’s letters, the latter two are those we must be grateful to for having given to the French public — albeit a quarter of a century after the English-speaking peoples had access to it — the first uncensored, unexpurgated text of the Freud letters during the foundation years of what was to become psychoanalysis. The translators, and indeed PUF, are to be congratulated on relying solely on the original German of Freud’s texts as a basis for their translation. This edition is more scrupulous of its sources than the English edition. Jeffrey M. Masson’s notes have been incorporated into the body of notes prepared by the editors. The French journalistic response to the publication of these letters has been almost universally pro-Freudian! The national daily, Le Monde, for example chose the Lacanian trained Freudian Elisabeth Roudinesco to write a review of the Letters. The article was appropriately titled: “La passionnante correspondance de l’inventeur de la psychanalyse avec son ami Wilhelm Fliess: NAISSANCE DE FREUD“.

    We do not see in this correspondence the early steps of a genius — quite the contrary! — we are witness to an unbridled and indiscreet series of “how-about’s” as Sigmund tried out — unsuccessfully, it seems — on his friend the ear-nose-and-throat doctor from Berlin, Wilhelm Fliess. And, contrary to usual psychoanalytic rumour, it does not seem that “Freud gradually distanced himself” from Fliess; but, on the contrary, that Fliess himself grew fed up with the nonsense he was receiving from Vienna. This does not, incidentally, make of Fliess some paladin of nose medication. Freud — out of sheer physiological ignorance — went along with Fliess’s insane notion of the turbinate bones in the nose (the tuberculi septi) being responsible for, or indicative of, “the nasal reflex neurosis” (a home-grown malady invented by Fliess himself and, for some time, credited by Freud) and allowed him to perform in February1895 the weird operation of the victim/patient Emma Eckstein which nearly killed her! These letters, one might think, were — if ever it were needed — the ultimate evidence that psychoanalysis is a scientific fraud founded upon the twin conceits of medical ignorance and rhetoric. For the anglophone reader, the extraordinary effect of the readings — and presentations — of these letters in the Presses Universitaires de France edition is that “Un autre Freud?” as their advert ribbon asks, is a “come-on” that only the French would be seduced by. It may well be poetic justice that the nation that showed Freud the magic of hypnotic “transference” during his short six months with Charcot at La Salpêtrière has since become the nation — along with Brazil and Argentina — that most respects the “discoveries” of Lacan and his Guru. It is scarcely revealing a secret to say that French psychiatry is virtually 100 years out of date! (A French empirical psychiatrist amazed me last year when he discovered on a trip to a military hospital in Paris that ALL military psychiatrists had undergone Lacanian psychoanalysis as part of their training programme.)

    There were no discoveries — not even on the level of common-or-garden developmental psychology! The title chosen for this little review “a bastion against irrationalism” was taken from Frederick Crews’s own complaint that in America the Humanities had failed in their calling. Even the invention of outer-space invaders with a propensity to abduct humans was University sanctioned: “But another recent book about the UFO phenomenon offers a reminder that the contemporary academy, riven as it is by a chasm that has continued to widen since the 1970s, cannot be counted on as a bastion against irrationalism.” (page 211). Crews’s conclusions are bleak. But he means them; and he has thought them through carefully — them and their dire consequences! Nonetheless, because of his brilliant abilities to perceive the present and to warn of future difficulties, he remains the only kind of optimist we can safely trust: the skeptical sort. If I have one word to add, it is not for you, the potential readers, nor for Crews, but for his Californian publishing group — Shoemaker & Hoard — let them, as soon as possible ensure that a French and a German version of this excellent book be soon available in Europe. Europeans need to hear this kind of message. Crews is a “bastion against irrationalism”!

  • Who did Einstein’s Mathematics?: A Response to Troemel-Ploetz

    In an article in Time magazine in July 2006 Walter Isaacson, president of the Aspen Institute and former chairman of CNN, stated that Einstein’s first wife Mileva Marić was a “Serbian physicist who had helped him with the math of his 1905 [special relativity] paper”[1]

    From the unequivocal way that this information was presented by Isaacson, readers would be forgiven for assuming that this a straightforward factual statement. Yet this is far from the case. For a start, the mathematics in the 1905 relativity paper was quite elementary: as Jürgen Renn, an editor of the Albert Einstein Collected Papers, observes, “If he had needed help with that kind of mathematics, he would have ended there.”[2] Then there is the fact the, contrary to myth, Einstein was highly proficient at mathematics.

    Einstein’s precocious talent in mathematics has been recorded by Max Talmey, a medical student who knew the Einstein family when Albert was in his early teens. After Einstein had worked through Euclid by himself around the age of 11, he tackled books on analytical geometry, algebra and calculus, and Talmey reports that soon “the flight of his mathematical genius was so high that I could no longer follow.”[3] When he left the Luitpold Gymnasium in Munich at the age of 15 to join his parents who had emigrated to Italy, his mathematics teacher provided him with a letter stating that his mathematical knowledge was already at matriculation level.[4] This letter was instrumental in his being allowed to take the entrance examination for the prestigious Zurich Polytechnic the following year when he was 16, some two years below the normal age.[5] Having spent a year without formal education, he failed this exam, but his grades in physics and mathematics were exceptional.[6] At the end of a year spent at the high school in Aarau in Switzerland to bring his other subjects up to the required standard, his school record shows that, though a year younger than his fellow students, in 1896 he obtained maximum grades in geometry, arithmetic and algebra.[7] Despite neglecting mathematics to follow his extra-curricular interests in physics, in the mathematical component of the final examination for the physics and mathematics teaching Diploma at the Zurich Polytechnic he achieved grade 11 (maximum 12).[8]

    Set against this is the fact that, although she graduated from her Swiss high school with excellent grades in mathematics, at the Zurich Polytechnic Mileva Marić fared rather less well. Her yearly grades were moderately good,[9] but she struggled with the geometry course taught by Wilhelm Fiedler,[10] and obtained only grade 5 (on a scale 1-12) in the mathematics component (theory of functions) of her final diploma examination, less than half that of the other four candidates in their group.[11] Almost certainly her poor mathematics grades were the reason for her failing to be awarded a diploma in 1900 and again in 1901.[12]

    The above information alone suffices to dispose of the notion that Einstein would have needed help with the rather elementary algebra and calculus he used in his 1905 special relativity paper, and further confirmation comes in the glowing report on his mathematical abilities in the “Expert Opinion” on his Ph.D. thesis submitted to Zurich University in 1905. The Professor of Physics Alfred Kleiner wrote: “The arguments and calculations to be carried out are among the most difficult ones in hydrodynamics, and only a person possessing perspicacity and training in the handling of mathematical and physical problems could dare to tackle them.” The mathematical difficulties were such that the opinion of Professor of Mathematics Heinrich Burkardt was sought, and he reported that he found Einstein’s calculations “correct without exception, and the manner of treatment demonstrates a thorough command of the mathematical methods involved”(emphasis in original).[13]

    So how did the notion that Mileva Marić assisted Einstein with the mathematics of the 1905 special relativity paper (and much more) become widely circulated? The most likely direct source of the claim is a paper published in 1990 by the linguist Senta Troemel-Ploetz with the title “Mileva Einstein-Marić: The Woman Who Did Einstein’s Mathematics”,[14] and it seems that in our era of mass communications it is only necessary to make such claims in the public domain for them to become widely accepted regardless of the paucity of the evidence. And the evidence provided by Troemel-Ploetz is very feeble indeed, and, as we shall see, is almost entirely dependent on the highly unreliable claims of Marić’s Serbian biographer Desanka Trbuhović-Gjurić.[15]

    In the course of her article Troemel-Ploetz falsely describes Marić as “a mathematician”, and even inflates Marić’s abilities to that of a “mathematical genius”, (pp. 420, 421) while correspondingly depreciating Einstein’s. Nowhere does she cite the fact that Marić badly failed the mathematics component of the Zurich Polytechnic teaching diploma, though at the time her article was published this information was available in the first volume of the Einstein Collected Papers (which she actually cites elsewhere in her article in a different context [p. 417]). Nor is she able to cite a single documented example of Marić’s achievements in mathematics other than in the course of her education – her evidence lies elsewhere. But first let’s look at the evidence she provides for Einstein’s supposed relatively poor mathematical ability.

    First part of the case made by Troemel-Ploetz

    One part of the case made by Troemel-Ploetz consists of a purported demonstration that Einstein was a poor mathematician. For instance, she states (p. 420) that Einstein “needed at various points someone ‘to solve his mathematical problems’.” She continues, starting with a quote attributed to Einstein:

    “I encountered mathematical difficulties which I cannot conquer. I beg for your help, as I am apparently going crazy” (Trbuhović-Gjurić, 1983, p. 96) he wrote to a friend Marcel Grossman, who then helped him.

    Now Trbuhović was in error when she stated that this quotation comes from a letter Einstein wrote to Grossman (an old friend of Einstein’s from his student days who had become professor of mathematics at Zurich University) – it comes from a report by Louis Kollros, another of Einstein’s old student friends, of something Einstein said to Grossman after they had met up again when Einstein returned to Zurich in late 1912 to take up a post at Zurich Polytechnic (now ETH).[16] (I leave aside that the quotation is an embellished version. In common with many of the quotations in Trbuhović’s book, it is not specifically referenced, so it is impossible to know where she got it from, or how accurately she has reproduced it from that source.) More important, the claims of Troemel-Ploetz (following Trbuhović) that Einstein’s reported words reveal his general dependency on other people for solving mathematical problems only serves to illustrate her ignorance of Einstein’s actual achievements, and the reason he requested help from Grossman.

    In 1912 Einstein had reached a stage in his attempts to develop a theory which incorporates accelerated systems into a general theory of relativity for which he required an esoteric branch of mathematics involving tensor calculus. His old friend Grossman was able to seek out for him what he needed, and to provide assistance in applying it to the work Einstein was doing. That this help was needed illustrates the difficult level of mathematics necessary for the purpose, not that Einstein was weak in mathematics. In fact in a letter supporting Einstein’s candidacy for a chair of mathematical physics at ETH (previously Zurich Polytechnic) the year before, Marie Curie had written that she believed that “mathematical physicists are at one in considering his work as being in the first rank”[17] (Curie had met Einstein at the 1911 Solvay Conference, to which he had been invited most of the leading European physicists, including Nernst, Planck, Lorentz, Poincaré, Rutherford and de Broglie.)

    Troemel-Ploetz opens her article with a reference to Trbuhović-Gjurić’s biography of Mileva Marić, and much of what follows is based on claims made in that volume. However, as I have noted elsewhere,[18] most of Trbuhović’s contentions are based on third or fourth-hand reminiscences of friends and acquaintances of the Marić family and remaining family members, reported more than 50 years after the events in question, with all the unreliability and inaccuracies inherent to such recollections.

    Having introduced Trbuhović’s book, Troemel-Ploetz immediately reports (p. 415) that “Einstein’s admission, ‘My wife does my mathematics,’ is general knowledge at the ETH in Zurich…”. The “admission” alluded to is a paraphrased version of words that Trbuhović claims were uttered by Einstein (of which more below), but what is interesting is that Troemel-Ploetz clearly implies that the “general knowledge” is recognized as a joke – “…although it serves only as a starter for jokes along the same lines”– and one can imagine Einstein self-deprecatingly making such a quip.

    Later in the article (p. 418) Troemel-Ploetz gives what is presumably the original source of her paraphrased quotation: “He [Einstein] told a group of Serbian intellectuals in 1905: ‘I need my wife. She solves all the mathematical problems for me’ (Trbuhović-Gjurić, 1983, p. 106).” This is stated as if it were a documentable fact. Examining the source one finds that the words reported by Trbuhović supposedly were said by Einstein at a reunion of young intellectual friends of Miloš Marić, brother of Mileva, at some unspecified occasion on which Einstein was supposedly present. The report apparently comes from one Dr Ljubomir-Bata Dumić (of whom no information is supplied by Trbuhović), who is also quoted as having written:

    We raised our eyes towards Mileva as to a divinity, such was her knowledge of mathematics and her genius… Straightforward mathematical problems she solved in her head, and those which would have taken specialists several weeks of work she completed in two days… We knew that she had made [Albert], that she was the creator of his glory. She solved for him all his mathematical problems, particularly those concerning the theory of relativity. Her brilliance as a mathematician amazed us.[19]

    I leave readers to decide on the reliability of such reminiscences from a proud fellow-Serb.

    As supposed evidence for Einstein’s serious mathematical limitations, Troemel-Ploetz writes (p. 421) that “it is interesting to look at some self-evaluations of Albert Einstein before he had to play the role [sic] of genius of the century”, and she provides an extract from a passage that Trbuhović quotes from Einstein’s late “Autobiographical Sketch”[20]:

    …higher mathematics didn’t interest me in my years of studying. I wrongly assumed that this was such a wide area that one could easily waste one’s energy in a far-off province. Also, I thought in my innocence that it was sufficient for the physicist to have clearly understood the elementary mathematical concepts and to have them ready for application while the rest consisted of unfruitful subtleties for the physicist, an error which I noticed only later. My mathematical ability was apparently not sufficient to enable me to differentiate the central and fundamental concepts from those that were peripheral and unimportant. (Trbuhović-Gjurić, 1983, p. 47)

    In her ignorance of the subject matter, Troemel-Ploetz fails to understand that by the standards necessary for most of physics at that time, Einstein’s knowledge of, and ability at, mathematics was extremely good. What he is doing here is explaining why, when he was a student at Zurich Polytechnic, he neglected to investigate more advanced pure mathematics. He expresses this perhaps more clearly in the “Autobiographical Notes” (1979 [1949]) that he contributed to the volume Albert Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist (1949). After reporting that “At the age of twelve through sixteen I familiarized myself with the elements of mathematics together with the principles of differential and integral calculus”, he said of his time at Zurich Polytechnic:

    There I had excellent teachers (for example, Hurwitz, Minkowski), so that I should have been able to obtain a mathematical training in depth…The fact that I neglected mathematics to a certain extent had its cause not merely in my stronger interest in the natural sciences than in mathematics but also in the following peculiar experience. I saw that mathematics was split up into numerous specialties, each of which could easily absorb the short lifetime granted to us. Consequently, I saw myself in the position of Buridan’s ass, which was unable to decide upon any particular bundle of hay. Presumably this was because my intuition was not strong enough in the field of mathematics to differentiate clearly the fundamentally important, that which is really basic, from the rest of the more or less dispensable erudition. Also, my interest in the study of nature was no doubt stronger; and it was not clear to me as a young student that access to a more profound knowledge of the basic principles of physics depends on the most intricate mathematical methods. This dawned upon me only gradually after years of independent scientific work.[21]

    To put this more specifically, in the decade after graduating from the Polytechnic the mathematical knowledge he had acquired sufficed for his purposes. It was only then that he found he had need of more specialist fields of mathematics if he were to make progress with developing his general theory of relativity.

    Misinterpreting the words of Einstein’s she has quoted as indicating that he regarded himself as weak in mathematical ability, Troemel-Ploetz goes on to assert that “others agreed with his evaluation”. She then quotes (translating from Trbuhović [1983]) a Zurich Polytechnic professor, Jean Pernet, saying to Einstein: “Studying physics is very difficult. You don’t lack diligence and good will but simply knowledge. Why don’t you study medicine, law, or literature?” As is frequently the case, Trbuhović provides no reference for this quotation, and its source has to be hunted down to examine the context (and the accuracy) of the report. Evidently it comes originally from a commemorative article written by a former student at Zurich Polytechnic at the time Einstein studied there, Margarete von Üxküll.[22] (According to the Einstein biographer Carl Seelig, Einstein told the story to Üxküll some thirty years after the event,[23] and it was recalled some years later, so the accuracy of the quotation cannot be regarded as reliable.)

    Missing from Trbuhović’s reporting of Pernet’s words is the fact that Einstein was out of sympathy with the teaching methods of the professor in question; he frequently skipped Pernet’s classes (among others) to follow up his own extra-curricular interests in physics, and received an official reprimand on the instigation of Pernet.[24] Evidently Einstein’s independent attitude provoked Pernet into making the disparaging comments to him, so obviously at variance with Einstein’s later achievements.

    Troemel-Ploetz (p. 421) now recounts that a former student of Einstein’s recalled an occasion when he “got stuck in the middle of a lecture missing a ‘silly mathematical transformation’ which he couldn’t figure out.” He told the class to leave a space and just gave them the final result. “Ten minutes later he discovered a small piece of paper and put the transformation on the blackboard, remarking, ‘The main thing is the result not the mathematics, for with mathematics you can prove anything’. (Trbuhović-Gjurić, 1983, p. 88).”

    Though Trbuhović provided no reference for this report to enable its accuracy to be checked, she cites Dr Hans Tanner as the source. Fortunately a lengthy quotation from Tanner’s recollections of Einstein is provided by Seelig in his biography of Einstein.[25]

    The first thing to note is that there is no mention of Einstein’s discovering “a small piece of paper” in Tanner’s account of the incident in question (the only one of its kind he could recall). On the contrary, he says: “Some ten minutes later Einstein interrupted himself in the middle of an elucidation. ‘I’ve got it.’…During the complicated development of his theme he had still found time to reflect upon the nature of that particular mathematical transformation. That was typical of Einstein.” So whence comes the piece of paper? A couple of paragraphs earlier Tanner had reported that in the lectures given by the newly appointed Einstein as professor of theoretical physics at Zurich University in 1909, “The only script he carried was a strip of paper the size of a visiting card on which he had scribbled what he wanted to tell us. Thus he had to develop everything himself and we obtained some insight into his working technique.” It is evident that Trbuhović garbled the account, so that she erroneously has the piece of paper playing a role in the classroom incident she recounts.

    The next thing of note is that the words “The main thing is the result… with mathematics you can prove anything” was not reported by Tanner in the context of the incident Trbuhović recounts, but in a completely different social setting, when Einstein had invited some of his students to return with him to his apartment to examine some work he had received from Planck in which he had perceived there had to be a mistake. Tanner was one of two students who accepted the invitation, and who told Einstein that they could find no error and that he must be mistaken. Einstein responded by pointing out why, on the grounds of “a simple dimensional datum”, there must be an error somewhere. When Tanner suggested writing to Planck to inform him of the mistake, Einstein reportedly said: “…we won’t write and tell him that he’s made a mistake. The result is correct, but the proof is faulty. We’ll simply write and tell him how the real proof should run.” It is at this point he is reported as having said: “The main thing is the content, not the mathematics. With mathematics one can prove anything.”

    This puts a very different complexion on Einstein’s latter remark than that which Troemel-Ploetz presents. Equally important, here we have an instance where we are able to check Trbuhović’s report, uncritically recycled by Troemel-Ploetz, and find that it misrepresents the context of Einstein’s remark about mathematics. (This leaves aside that we cannot be sure of the accuracy of the reported words, recalled many years after the event.) Troemel-Ploetz, however, having misinterpreted the quotation in question as a further indication of Einstein’s supposed deficiencies in mathematics, follows it with the evidence-free assertion that he “did not have to worry about the [mathematical] proofs because Mileva Einstein-Marić was doing them.”

    Summing up this passage in Troemel-Ploetz’s article, she is recycling an unreferenced report by Trbuhović which is both inaccurate and also misrepresents the context of the quoted remark attributed to Einstein. As a result she completely fails to understand the rationale of the remark from a scientific point of view. This is a further illustration of how unreliable are the numerous unverifiable quotations Trbuhović sprinkles throughout her book – she cannot even be relied upon to recount accurately the reports she is reproducing for her readers (frequently themselves from an unreliable third-hand source). Yet Troemel-Ploetz relies heavily on Trbuhović for the great bulk of the evidence that she provides to support her central thesis.

    More direct evidence (allegedly)

    Continuing our examination of Troemel-Ploetz’s case, she writes (pp. 419-420) that a biographer of Einstein, Peter Michelmore, who “had much information from Albert Einstein”, said: “Mileva helped him solve certain mathematical problems. She was with him in Bern and helped him when he was having such a hard time with the theory of relativity.” (Trbuhović-Gjurić, 1983, p. 72 [1991, p. 103])

    Consulting the citation Troemel-Ploetz provides, one finds that only the first sentence of the words attributed to Michelmore are given by Trbuhović; the rest is added by Troemel-Ploetz herself. The first quoted sentence certainly can be found in Michelmore’s book (though, characteristically, no page reference is given by Trbuhović). It occurs in the middle of a somewhat imaginative account of the period encompassing Einstein’s production of the celebrated papers of 1905. According to Michelmore, after the publication of the paper on the photoelectric effect Einstein wrestled with the problem of relativity: “Frustration drove him to wander the farm lands around Berne. He took time off from the office. Mileva helped him solve certain mathematical problems, but nobody could assist with the creative work, the flow of fresh ideas.”[26]

    Michelmore provides no evidence for his claim that Marić helped Einstein solve mathematical problems, nor does he give the least indication what these might be. (Recall that nothing in the mathematics that he required for his work at that time would have taxed Einstein’s knowledge and abilities.) Earlier Michelmore had made assertions relevant to this issue that are manifestly false. He writes, referring to Marcel Grossman, who was in Einstein’s group at Zurich Polytechnic, but majored in mathematics: “Generously, Grossman took detailed notes on all lectures and drummed them into Einstein at the week-ends… His [Einstein’s] other close friend was Mileva Maric… She was as good at mathematics as Marcel and she, too, helped in the week-end coaching sessions.”[27]

    Most of this is imaginative fiction. The only time Einstein made use of Grossman in this way was immediately prior to his diploma examinations, when he borrowed his meticulous notes for self-study.[28] This puts the notion that Marić assisted in these supposedly regular weekend sessions well into the realms of fiction. (If anything, the indications are that it was Einstein who assisted Marić in her studies: In a letter in December 1901 Einstein wrote to her: “Soon you’ll be my ‘student’ again, like in Zurich.”[29]) Even more fantastical is the assertion that Marić was as good at mathematics as Grossman. This is negated by a comparison of their respective grades at both intermediate and final diploma examinations: Marić received lower grades than Grossman in every single mathematics topic that they both took for these exams.[30] Moreover, whereas Marić failed her diploma exam, almost certainly because of her poor mathematics grade, Grossman went on to become a professor of mathematics at Zurich Polytechnic at the early age of 29. He also, of course, assisted Einstein in the application of highly abstruse mathematics to general relativity theory.

    Clearly Michelmore is not a reliable source of information about any supposed contribution Marić made to Einstein’s mathematical work. The assertion by Troemel-Ploetz that he “had much information from Albert Einstein” is erroneous. The book was published some seven years after Einstein’s death, and in his “Author’s Note” Michelmore makes no mention of ever having met Einstein. He did spend two days interviewing Einstein’s elder son, but acknowledges that neither his notes, nor the book manuscript, were checked for accuracy by Hans Albert Einstein.[31] In any case, Hans Albert was an infant at the time Einstein wrote his 1905 papers, and could not have passed on any first-hand knowledge of relevant events.

    As we have seen from the above material, Michelmore’s account is too unreliable to take from it any definitive statement about alleged contributions by Marić to Einstein’s mathematical work. One may add that Michelmore’s propensity to invent dialogue disqualifies his book as a serious work of biography. For instance, he has Einstein saying, at the end of the evening when Einstein had a crucial discussion with his friend Michele Besso prior to his breakthrough to the special theory of relativity: “I’ve decided to give it up – the whole theory.”[32] This is at totally at variance with Einstein’s own account, in which he reports how Besso’s perspicacious contributions led, that evening, to his coming to understand where the key to the problem lay.[33]

    Troemel-Ploetz next cites (p. 420) the great mathematician Hermann Minkowsky, one of Einstein’s professors at Zurich Polytechnic, who, she writes, “knew him well and was his friend”, and who is reported as having remarked to Max Born in relation Einstein’s producing the theory of [special] relativity: “This was a big surprise to me because Einstein was quite a lazybones and wasn’t at all interested in mathematics” (Trbuhović-Gjurić, 1983, p. 47 [1991, p. 104])

    In her book Trbuhović cites Carl Seelig for this quotation, and in fact it can be found in Seelig’s biography. (The English language edition has a slightly different translation of Minkowsky’s words.)[34] Leaving aside the erroneous assertion that Minkowsky knew Einstein well as a friend (he was at Göttingen University in Germany from 1902 until his death in 1909, and they scarcely met or corresponded), his reportedly saying of Einstein that “he never bothered about mathematics at all” is consistent with what we know – that Einstein neglected mathematical studies at Zurich Polytechnic, preferring to spend his time on his own extracurricular interests in physics. It bears not at all on the issue of Einstein’s ability to make use of mathematics when he needed it.

    This is followed by a statement (p. 420) that “Bodanović, a mathematician in the Ministry of Education in Belgrade who was well acquainted with Mileva Einstein-Marić, is reported to have said that she had always known that Mileva Einstein-Marić had helped her husband a great deal, especially with the mathematical foundations of his theory, but Mileva Einstein-Marić had always avoided talking about it (Trbuhović-Gjurić, 1983, p. 164).”

    One wonders what value one should put on something that someone is reported to have said by another party about information she was not privy to, and which the person concerned had not spoken about! Consulting Trbuhović’s book we find that she actually claims that Milica Bodanović recalled that it was Malvina Gogić, a mathematics inspector at the Ministry of Education at Belgrade, who was the one who reportedly had said that Marić helped with the mathematical foundations of his theory [what theory?], but that Marić refused to talk about it.[35] But much more important than this minor error is the fact that Troemel-Ploetz should deem it worth recycling a report of such vagueness and doubtful reliability as if it were of genuine evidential value. (Alberto Martinez places such reports at the very bottom of a twenty point scale of historical reliability in his article on “Handling evidence in history”.[36])

    Troemel-Ploetz naturally reports (p. 419) the (erroneous) claim made by Trbuhović that the Soviet physicist Abram Joffe “wrote in his Errinnerungen an Albert Einstein (Joffe 1960) that the original manuscripts were signed Einstein-Marić”.[37] In fact an examination of what Joffe actually wrote shows that he does not say he had seen the original manuscripts, as both Martinez and Stachel have demonstrated.[38] In any case, as Stachel writes, how do we get from the claim that the three articles cited by Joffe had one signature to the claim that this one signature represents two authors?

    On the basis of this false information Troemel-Ploetz had earlier (p. 418) written in relation to Einstein: “Why did he not immediately insist on a correction when Mileva Einstein-Marić’s name was dropped as an author of the articles that appeared in the Leipzig Annalen der Physik?” In addition to the points made above, Stachel notes that the three papers in question contain many authorial comments in the first person singular. This means that, were one to accept Troemel-Ploetz’s underlying assumption here, the distinguished editors of the Annalen der Physik (Max Planck and Paul Drude) would have had not merely to omit a co-author’s name, they would have had to have made appropriate changes of first person plural pronouns to first person singular throughout the articles. It is also worth observing that physics papers co-authored by spouses would not have set a precedent; Marie and Pierre Curie had published such papers, and together had been awarded a share in the 1903 Nobel Prize for physics. (For a comprehensive refutation of all the claims made by Trbuhović and others in relation to Joffe, readers should consult Stachel’s editorial Introduction to the 2005 edition of Einstein’s Miraculous Year: Five Papers That Changed the Face of Physics, pp. liv-lxxii.)

    A full critique of the whole of Troemel-Ploetz’s article would take many more words, and be on much the same lines as the above. (Some additional items have been examined in my article “Mileva Marić: Einstein’s Wife”: http://www.esterson.org/milevamaric.htm.) But it is worth looking at just one more passage (p. 420), in which Troemel-Ploetz translates the words of Trbuhović (1983) commenting on the 1905 special relativity paper:[39]

    It’s so pure, so unbelievably simple and elegant in its mathematical formulation – of all the revolutionary progress physics has made in this century, this work is the greatest achievement.

    Even today when reading these yellowing pages printed almost 80 years ago, one feels respect and cannot but be proud that our great Serbian Mileva Einstein-Marić participated in the discovery and edited them. Her intellect lives in those lines. In their simplicity, the equations show almost beyond a doubt the personal style she always demonstrated in mathematics and in life in general. Her manner was always devoid of unnecessary complications and pathos.

    As Fölsing points out,[40] there is not a single known document containing any mathematical work by Marić for us to compare with the paper in question, so Trbuhović’s statement that the equations show almost beyond a doubt Marić’s personal style inhabits the realms of fantasy. That Troemel-Ploetz recycles it uncritically is one more illustration of the unscholarly nature of her article. Most egregiously, she repeatedly reproduces Trbuhović’s reports without any attempt to check sources to judge their accuracy or reliability, and fails to raise even the faintest question mark about the reliability of Trbuhović’s numerous unverifiable third-hand reports obtained many decades after the events in question and provided by far from disinterested sources. One can only arrive at the conclusion that her deeply flawed article does not remotely bear out her claims about Marić’s alleged contribution to Einstein’s mathematical work.

    For further discussion of the issues raised in Troemel-Ploetz’s article, including a few not touched upon above, readers should consult the comprehensive articles in John Stachel’s book Einstein from ‘B’ to ‘Z’ , pp. 26-38, 39-55.

    November 2006

    Allen Esterson’s homepage

    NOTES (Citations refer to books and articles listed in the Bibliography.)

    1. Time, 12 July 2006
    2. Quoted in Highfield, R. and Carter, P. (1993), pp. 114-115.
    3. Talmey, M. (1932), pp. 162-164.
    4. Reiser, A. (1930), pp. 42-43; Frank (1948), p. 27.
    5. Collected Papers Vol.1 [Eng. trans], 1987, p. 7.
    6. Fölsing, A. (1997), p. 37.
    7. Collected Papers Vol. 1 [Eng. trans.], 1987, pp. 9-10.
    8. Collected Papers Vol. 1 [Eng. trans.], 1987, p. 141.
    9. Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1983), p. 43; Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1991), pp. 49-50.
    10. Renn, J. & Schulmann, R. (1992), p. 12.
    11. Collected Papers Vol. 1 [Eng. trans.], 1987, p. 141.
    12. Stachel, J. (2002), p. 29.
    13. Collected Papers, Vol. 5 [Eng. trans.], 1995, pp. 22-23.
    14. Troemel-Ploetz, S. (1990). Women’s Studies Int. Forum, 13(5), pp. 415-432.
    15. Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1983). Im Schatten Albert Einsteins: Das tragische Leben der Mileva Einstein-Marić. Bern: Paul Haupt [German translation of the original book by D. Trbuhović-Gjurić, published in Yugoslavia in 1969]; Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1991). Mileva Einstein: Une Vie (trans. from the German). Paris: Antoinette Fouque.
    16. Pais, A. (1983), pp. 212, 226n; Fölsing, A. (1997), pp. 314; 778, n.45.
    17. Clark, R. W. (1971), p.191.
    18. Esterson, A. (2006). Mileva Marić: Einstein’s Wife
    19. Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1983), p. 93; (1991), p. 106 [my translation – A. E.].
    20. Einstein, A. (1956 [1954]). “Autobiographische Skizze.” In C. Seelig (ed.), Helle Zeit – Dunkle Zeit: In memoriam Albert Einstein, Zurich, 1956.
    21. Einstein, A. (1979 [1949]), p. 15.
    22. Clark, R. 1971, pp. 61, 788n.
    23. Seelig, C. (1956), pp. 40-41.
    24. Fölsing, 1997, p. 57.
    25. Seelig, C. (1956), pp. 100-106.
    26. Michelmore, P. (1962), p. 41.
    27. Michelmore, P. (1962), p. 31.
    28. Fölsing, A. (1997), pp. 53, 248 n.11.
    29. Renn, J. & Schulmann, R. (1992), p. 71.
    30. Collected Papers, Vol. 1 [Eng. trans.], 1987, pp. 125, 140; Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1991), p. 70.
    31. Michelmore, P. (1962), p. ix.
    32. Michelmore, P. (1962), p. 41.
    33. Fölsing, A. (1997), pp. 155, 176, 177.
    34. Seeling, C. (1956), p. 28.
    35. Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1983), p. 164; (1991), p. 215.
    36. Martinez, A. A. (2005), p. 54.
    37.. Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1983), p. 79; (1991), p. 111.
    38. Martinez, A. A. (2005), pp. 51-52; Stachel, J. (2005), pp. liv-lxxii.
    39. Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1983), p. 71; (1991), p. 109.
    40. Fölsing, A. (1990). Keine ‘Mutter der Relativitätstheorie’. Die Zeit, Nr. 47, 16 November 1990.

    Bibliography

    Clark, R. (1971). Einstein: The Life and Times. New York: World Publishing Company.
    Einstein, A. The Collected Papers of Albert Einstein. Princeton University Press.
    Einstein, A. (1979 [1949]). “Autobiographical Notes.” Trans. by P. S. Schilpp. La Salle, Illinois: Open Court.
    Einstein, A. (1956 [1954]). “Autobiographische Skizze.” In C. Seelig (ed.), Helle Zeit – Dunkle Zeit: In memoriam Albert Einstein, Zurich: Europa Verlag, 1956.
    Esterson, A. (2006). “Mileva Maric: Einstein’s Wife”
    Esterson, A. (2006). Critique of Evan Harris Walker’s Letter in Physics Today, 1991
    Frank, P. (1948). Einstein: His Life and Times. London: Jonathan Cape.
    Fölsing, A. (1990). Keine ‘Mutter der Relativitätstheorie’. Die Zeit, Nr. 47, 16 November 1990.
    Fölsing, A. (1997). Albert Einstein. (Trans. by E. Osers.) New York: Penguin Books.
    Highfield, R. and Carter, P. (1993). The Private Lives of Albert Einstein. London: Faber and Faber.
    Joffe, A. F. (1955). Pamiati Alberta Einsteina. Uspekhi fizicheskikh nauk, 57 (2), 187.
    Martínez, A. A. (2005). Handling Evidence in History: The Case of Einstein’s Wife. School Science Review, March 2005, 86 (316), pp. 49-56.
    Michelmore, P. (1962). Einstein: Profile of the Man. New York: Dood, Mead.
    Pais, A. (1994). Einstein Lived Here. Oxford University Press.
    Renn, J. and Schulmann, R. (eds.) (1992). Albert Einstein and Mileva Maric: The Love Letters. Trans. by S. Smith. Princeton University Press.
    Reiser, A. (1930). Albert Einstein: A Bibliographical Portrait. New York: Boni.
    Seelig, C. (1956). Albert Einstein: A Documentary Biography. London: Staples Press.
    Stachel, J. (1996). Albert Einstein and Mileva Marić: A Collaboration that Failed to Develop. In H. M. Pycior, N. G. Slack, and P. G. Abir-Am (eds.), Creative Couples in the Sciences, Rutgers University Press. Reprinted in Stachel, J. (2002), Einstein from ‘B’ to ‘Z’, Boston/Basel/Berlin: Birkhauser, pp. 39–55.
    Stachel, J. (2002). Einstein from ‘B’ to ‘Z’. Boston/Basel/ Berlin: Birkhäuser.
    Stachel, J. (ed.) (2005). Einstein’s Miraculous Year: Five Papers That Changed the Face of Physics. Princeton University Press.
    Talmey, M. (1932). “The Relativity Theory Simplified And the Formative Period of its Inventor.” New York: Falcon Press.
    Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1983). Im Schatten Albert Einsteins: Das tragische Leben der Mileva Einstein-Marić. Bern: Paul Haupt. (The German language edition is an edited version of the book by Trbuhović-Gjurić originally published in Serbo-Croat in Yugoslavia in 1969.)
    Trbuhović-Gjurić, D. (1991), Mileva Einstein: Une Vie (French translation of Im Schatten Albert Einsteins: Das tragische Leben der Mileva Einstein-Marić). Paris: Antoinette Fouque.
    Troemel-Ploetz, S. (1990). Mileva Einstein-Marić: The Woman Who Did Einstein’s Mathematics. Women’s Studies International Forum, Vol. 13, No. 5, p. 415-432.

  • Freud’s Perjuries as ‘Spots on the Sun’

    The following is a condensed extract from an essay titled “Are Freud’s Critics Scurrilous?”, translated and published in Le livre noir de la psychoanalyse (Editions des Arènes).

    Sigmund Freud may have been a great man but he was not an honourable one. Freud’s claims to greatness rest on his imaginative and expressive powers; his dishonour arises from his leadership of a movement in whose interests he perjured himself repeatedly.
    The most striking fact about responses to documentation of Freud’s perjuries is how often they take the form not of denial but of extenuation.

    ‘ONCE UPON A TIME THERE WAS A GIRL CALLED ANNA O.’

    Here is one example of how this is done. Freud repeatedly put forward as a demonstration of the therapeutic power of psychoanalysis, even at its most primitive, the case of a patient, Anna O, although he knew she had to be confined to a sanatorium in spite of the ‘talking cure’.

    What kind of response has this disconcerting revelation, that Freud’s repeated allusions to Anna O.’s cure were false, met?

    This is how Elisabeth Roudinesco reconciles the historic facts with the Freudian falsehood in her history of the psychoanalytic movement. The false story of Anna O’s cure ‘…bears witness to an historical reality to which we cannot oppose the simplistic argument of a reality of facts…’ She argues that we must not confuse the construction of a fable with an intentional lie.

    A stratagem analogous to Roudinesco’s has been imputed to the classicist Paul Verne who apparently argued on behalf of Holocaust deniers that ‘the denial of the reality of Auschwitz is not ‘a falsehood but a mythical truth’ Would Elisabeth Roudinesco have come to the rescue of holocaust deniers with her opaque distinction between a ‘historical reality’ and ‘a reality of facts’?

    There are those who dismiss the demonstration of Freud’s numerous perjuries not because they doubt them but because they feel that they do not settle the issue of the esteem in which Freud ought to be held. The foremost British Stalinist of his day said, when compelled by Khrushchev’s revelations to concede the truth of Stalin’s crimes, they were no more than ‘spots on sun.’ This can easily be adapted to serve the needs of Freudian apologetic. If, as Eissler maintains, psychoanalysis is capable of effecting ‘the liberation of the west from the guilty feelings that are caused by the two Testaments.’, Freud’s various malfeasances can equally be viewed as no more than ‘spots on the sun’.

    DEFENCES OF FREUD’S MENDACITY: LYING FOR TRUTH

    There are those who concede Freud’s mendacity but excuse it on the grounds that though the evidence was fabricated the claims advanced were true. This rationale is not without precedent. There is a story that an American historian was so certain that Speer was lying when he denied knowledge of the final solution that he altered the minutes of a meeting at which it was discussed to make it appear that Himmler directly addressed Speer on the topic. An analogous mode of extenuation is implicit in the justification advanced of Freud’s mendacity by a Canadian philosopher of science, Ian Hacking. In his book Rewriting the Soul, Hacking writes, ‘Freud had a passionate commitment to Truth, deep underlying truth, as a value. That ideological commitment is fully compatible with – may even demand -lying through one’s teeth.’

    There are also those who retreat to a different mode of truth. An English novelist convinced that the primal scene in Freud’s case history of the wolf man never happened argued that it nevertheless possessed ‘a different, deeper kind of truth.’ There are still others: those who appear willing to dispense with truth altogether in view of the moral grandeur of the Freudian vision. This too has its analogies in the history of Soviet apologetic. André Malraux once argued ‘Just as the inquisition does not detract from the fundamental dignity of Christianity so the Moscow Trials do not detract from the fundamental dignity of communism.’ It is my impression that no sooner has it been made impossible for Freudians to maintain that Freud’s discoveries are true in the sense in which they were advanced and taken, than they will discover that they possess a ‘a fundamental dignity’.

    INADEQUATE RESPONSES TO DEMONSTRATIONS OF TENDENTIOUSNESS

    It has been objected to Fred Crews that he finds Freudians ‘who take issue with him not just wrong but furtive or glib…’ What grounds are there for thinking Crews’s judgement harsh? What does it take to show that Freud’s partisans are ‘not just wrong but furtive or glib’? Crews’s charge of glibness has often been made against psychoanalysts by other psychoanalysts. In 1952 Edward Glover, a prominent figure in the British Psychoanalytic Society, described ‘a typical sequence’: ‘An analyst of established prestige and seniority, produces a paper advancing some new point of view or alleged discovery in the theoretical or clinical field…the chances are that without any check, this view or alleged discovery will gain currency, will be quoted and re-quoted until it attains the status of an accepted conclusion.’ The question Glover fails to address is how these merely ‘alleged discoveries’ are to be distinguished from the genuine ones Glover believed himself to be in possession of. Over a decade later the analyst Roy Grinker spoke of the ‘worn-out hackneyed reiterations and reformulations of Freudian literature and the stultifying stereotypes stated as positive facts’, once again posing the same unresolved question of how the distinction is to be made. In the 1980s still another analyst, Marshall Edelson, conceded that ‘rival claims… are frequently….presented and re-presented, as if the mere statement of them in more and more powerful rhetorical terms would settle the matter; or they are settled and resolved locally by a socio-political rather than by a scientific process.’ Edelson did not say how these socio-political claims were to be identified and distinguished from the rest.

    Why did the implications of persistent and intractable divergence between analysts not sink in? Some will feel that there is nevertheless too large a step between the failure of apologists to deal adequately with the indisputable fact of persistent and intractable disagreement, and the inference that we are not dealing with rational conviction but with an infatuation of abnormal intensity.

    Here are some examples of the distinctive affective relation in which Freudians often stood to their convictions. In his autobiography Wilhelm Stekel describes himself as ‘the apostle of Freud who was my Christ’. The same soterological note is struck by Hans Sachs – a member of Freud’s inner circle – who says of The Interpretation of Dreams, ‘when I had finished the book I had found the one thing worthwhile for me to live for; many years later I discovered that it was the only thing I could live by.’

    WHY OUR SUSPICIONS THAT FREUD’S APOLOGISTS ARE ‘GLIB’ AND ‘SLIPPERY’ CAN RARELY BE MORE THAN JUST SUSPICIONS

    The suspicion that Freud’s apologists are guilty of bad faith is not one which is ordinarily capable of demonstration, but is analogous to that raised in connection with apologists for the enormities of Stalin’s Russia. At what point did their credulity become morally reprehensible? Though it may be difficult to know with respect to the legend of Freud’s truthfulness where the cut-off point should be drawn, there are cases where we can be fairly sure it had been passed.

    And yet I think it fair to infer from the complacency with which several apologists have responded to documentation of Freud’s mendacity, that even if the traditional testimonials to Freud’s honesty and truthfulness eventually take their place with aberrations such as the plethora of tributes to the humanitarianism of Joseph Stalin, this will make no great difference to the esteem in which Freud is held. The exposure of Freud’s deceptions and prevarications will be assimilated but dismissed as little more than ‘spots on the sun’.

    Frank Cioffi is the author of Freud and the Question of Pseudoscience.

  • Mass resistance is the other side of mass oppression

    In describing women’s conditions in a particular country, one refers either to laws governing that country or to statistics. In this manner, one either exposes the extent of the oppression women suffer, or admires their achievements. With respect to women living under the rule of Islam, it is pure discrimination and oppression, subjugation and state violence. If women are considered second class citizens in many countries, in Islam-ridden countries they are not even considered citizens. They are extensions of men. In fact, according to Islam, the concept of citizen is non-existent. There is a relation between God and religious hierarchy and a collective of right-less, conscious-less men, with women as their slaves. As a matter of fact this is true about any other religion. However, this is beside our today’s discussion.

    You have heard a great deal about women under Islam, Islam à la Taliban, in Pakistan, in Bangladesh, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran under the Islamic Republic. The downtrodden situation of women, sheer discrimination, gender apartheid, the Islamic veil, forced marriages, officially recognized pedophilia by setting the legal age of marriage at 9 for girls, honour killing, polygamy, stoning women to death for engaging in sex outside marriage, encouraging men to hit their wives for punishment. The list is long.

    If once the issue of Islam and women was an unknown topic, nowadays, thanks to the rise of political Islam, with Islamic states in Iran, Afghanistan, and now in Iraq, it has become a well-known topic. I am sure that you all have heard about the non-existence of women’s rights in Islam. However, some think it is not Islam’s fault, they blame the patriarchy. They maintain that it is not Islam, but patriarchal interpretation of Islam that is responsible for the conditions of women in countries under the rule of Islam. In other words it is the ruling men’s fault not the ruling Islam. We will not get into the debate that Islam like all other religions is the direct product of a patriarchal era. It could not have escaped being permeated by patriarchic values and outlook. However, we must state one undeniable fact, that is, millions of women are violated daily by Islamic laws, customs, values and states. We must deal in an effective manner with this violation.

    I am here on behalf of the Organization for Women’s Liberation. I am here to familiarize you with the realities of Iranian society. You have heard about Iran. I do not mean the oil, or the nuclear project. I do not mean the mullahs or the fatwa against Salman Rushdie. I mean about the situation of women. Today, I want to talk to you about women’s resistance, rather than women’s oppression. You have heard long tales about women’s oppression. I am pleased to tell you that there is a mass resistance movement against this systematic oppression, this official misogynistic ideology. I am pleased to break this encouraging news to you that Iran is the birthplace of a very important historic moment in the international women’s liberation movement, a movement more significant than the Suffragette, and as vast as the women’s liberation movement in the Soviet Union during 1917-1930, or in the West during the 60s and 70s. I am here to ask for your solidarity and support. This movement has a great potential. If it materializes, it is capable of not only liberating women in Iran, but also it opens up the door to freedom to all women in the Middle East. We must recognise this fact.

    The situation in Iran is different from that of Afghanistan, Iraq or Sudan. There is mass discontentment in these countries. There is resistance, but there is a lack of a mass movement in defence of women’s rights. Such a movement exists in Iran.

    In Iran there has never existed a secular state, the separation of religion from the state, or education. The laws have always been religious laws. There has always existed a dictatorship. The efforts to reform the family law in favour of women during the ‘60s were very meager and not very effective. During the 1979 revolution a women’s rights movement was born. This was not a mass movement, but rather formed by left and intellectual women. I am from that generation. My struggle for women’s rights and for freedom and equality goes further than that period.

    The Islamic Republic attacked women full-force after coming to power. The first phase of the women’s movement was short-lived. It put up a brave resistance but it was silenced after 2 years. Women’s resistance continued in an individualistic fashion, against the veil, gender apartheid and the obligatory dress code. Many women have been imprisoned, tortured, or stoned to death. This brutal oppression was not able to obliterate the spirit of resistance. The new generation reignited this movement on a mass scale and pushed it forward. Fighting against the Islamic veil and apartheid is one of the main battlegrounds.

    When I hear the apologists of the Islamic movement or the defenders of cultural relativism (which, thanks to our relentless struggle, has become a marginal tendency) say: “the Islamic veil and apartheid is their culture”, I get furious and want to laugh at the same time. If this is “their culture” then it is supposed that they practice it voluntarily. Why then has this massive means of oppression become necessary? Why are all these special forces formed to deal with cultural disobedience, non-observance of the veil and gender apartheid? I like to ask, are these people a bunch of masochists, who like to practice their culture by being tortured, imprisoned and stoned? What rubbish! Thousands of women who have been executed, stoned and tortured are the symbol of a vast movement against the Islamic laws, gender apartheid and the Islamic veil.

    Perhaps, you may think that this is a peculiar way to demonstrate resistance. I believe there is a straightforward equation: a complex and sophisticated oppressive system only demonstrates that there is a vast and complex resistance to be suppressed. When there are more than one hundred thousand political executions, this bitter and tragic fact exposes that the society does not accept the existing order and wants change.

    In Iran there is a special police force to deal with women, those who protest, those who do not observe the veil, and those who are innovative in fashion. This special force was used at the July demonstration in Tehran. It crushed the demonstration. Despite all the laws against non-observance of the veil and dress code, despite prison sentence, fine and lashing, women in Iran ridicule the veil and in their demonstrations have also burned it. The new generation cannot be silenced, cannot be forced back home. This is the resistance I am talking about.

    In Iran there is a vast secular movement and for a free and egalitarian society. The women’s liberation movement is one of the main components of this general movement. The de facto status of women is much higher than their official and legal status. In the eyes of the dominant ideology and legislation, women’s status is half that of men. A woman is the man’s slave. She cannot travel or work without her “master’s” permission, does not have divorce or custody rights, cannot become a judge or a president. But women in Iran have not been subdued to accept this status and image. They want to be a whole person, independent and equal.

    I like to mention a statistical figure: around 66% of university entrances are female. This is in a country in which you need to pass difficult entry exams. There is a very high competition. You also have to take into consideration the state’s efforts to push women home. Is this statistic accidental? No. This is a trend. Every year this figure has risen, from 30% to 66%. The parliament tried to pass laws to reverse this trend, to prevent women from getting in to university in this high number. They argued that this is very detrimental to Islam and the institution of the family. The Islamic parliament becomes alarmed by this statistics, I become overjoyed. This shows a resilient resistance on the part of a new generation of women in Iran. This brings hope that women’s liberation in Iran is live and kicking.

    8 March has become an established tradition in Iran. In the past few years, 8 March has been celebrated in different cities and in different ways. I recall in 1979, we organised several 8 March celebrations in Tehran. The society was free from monarchist dictatorship, and we, the women’s rights activists, were celebrating 8 March for the first time. On the same day Khomeini ordered women to wear the veil. A large demonstration took to the streets in protest to this reactionary order and demanded women’s equality. This was the birth of a women’s right movement which was silenced after 2 years.

    The Islamic Republic tried a propaganda tactic, it named the birthday of Mohammad’s daughter women’s day. The specialty of this regime has been to suppress a movement not only by brutal force but by means of demagogic propaganda. It crushed the 1979 revolution by calling its state a revolutionary state, its brutal forces the revolutionary guards, and the revolution itself, an Islamic revolution. It disarmed the left by taking over the so-called anti-imperialist movement by manipulating the anti American sentiments and taking Americans hostage at American Embassy. Naming the Prophet’s daughter’s birthday women’s day was a similar tactic. However, this tactic worked only for a few years. Then it was forced to assign a women’s week. This did not work either. Last year it was forced to admit defeat and a faction of the regime recognized 8 March as women’s day. 8 March now is an established tradition in Iran. Last year there were many different rallies and meetings organised to commemorate 8 March. Some of them, including one in Tehran, were suppressed. Three months later there was a large protest organised in Tehran; several thousand took part. This was crushed. A couple of months later a movement was initiated to collect one million signatures for changing the laws in women’s favour. The women’s liberation movement is not going to resign nor be silenced. They try to crush it, it rises again even stronger. It seems that all efforts to suppress it, only make it more resilient and stronger.

    These are the positive aspects of women’s resistance. Unfortunately, there is a dark and sad dimension to it, as well. The number of suicides and self-immolations has risen considerably among women, especially among young women. Women in Iran have always lived under discrimination. Forced marriages, extensive restrictions on their lives, being in a servitude status vis à vis the men has always been the fact of life for the majority of women in Iran. It seems that they used to accept this as a divine and natural law, and resigned themselves to it. However, in the past decade we are witnessing a significant rise in suicide. This is a protest. The new generation has different expectations and aspirations. It does not resign itself to its “fate”. It wants to take it into its own hands. When it cannot protest collectively, when it cannot direct its anger and disapproval against the state, it directs it against itself. These self-inflicting harms are a means of protest.

    It is our duty, it is the responsibility of women’s right activists to transform this method of self-inflicting hurt into a positive resistance. We must change this desperation into hope for change.

    Another negative fact is the high number of girls who escape the restrictions and violence in the home in search of freedom and end up in the streets, homeless and unprotected, and become victims of prostitution. They are abused and exploited. Many of these girls wear male clothing, hoping to be freer and less harassed. However, there is no escape. The life of these girls is a telling story of brutality, exploitation and cruelty.

    In my opinion, the last two factors are new sociological phenomena in a society undergoing profound social, cultural, political and economic changes. Analysis of this situation takes us to a massive and deep rooted social resistance against the ruling order, dominant ideology and culture, against the ancient and antiquated values of Islam.

    And last but not least, we should mention the diverse cultural and NGOs which fight for women’s rights. These organizations must adapt themselves to the suppressive state and laws. We are witnessing the coming to birth of many different organizations, festivals, and solidarity camps. These are the bright and hopeful aspects of women’s resistance.

    My friends – there is a mass resistance movement in Iran against sexual discrimination and for gender equality. This movement needs your solidarity and support. If we succeed in freeing women from oppression and misogynist laws and values, this would open up a door to all women in the Middle East and countries under the rule of Islam. We must lunch a vast international movement against discrimination, violence and systematic oppression, against gender apartheid and Islamic veil. The Organisation for Women’s Liberation calls upon you to join this movement. We have drawn a resolution against gender apartheid, I ask you to support it. Show your support by applauding and sign our petition. Thank you.

    This speech was interrupted many times by the audience’s applause. The resolution was endorsed by heavy applause and hundreds signed the petition during the conference.

  • Looney American Foundation threatens to sue the Nobel Committee

    Background Information: Since last September, Hindutva (Hindu
    supremacist) groups have attempted in vain to doctor sixth grade
    social science textbooks in California [1]. With the solid backing of
    their Indian allies, and aided by a battery of expensive lawyers and
    the PR firm Ruder Finn, these groups sought to elide discussion of
    caste and sex-based discrimination (in India) in the textbooks [2].
    Their efforts were first opposed by a European-American scholar (Michael Witzel,
    Professor of Sanskrit at Harvard University), and the California State
    Board of Education is predominantly European-American, so the Hindutva groups and
    their supporters cynically assumed the mantle of an aggrieved minority
    [3]. What follows is an (as yet) imaginary account of the developments
    following the announcement of the Nobel Physics Prize in a Hindutva
    community; the lack of context and critical information (in the
    account below) is typical of how the mainstream press has covered
    Hindutva-related issues in the U.S.

    The Looney American Foundation (LAF), an advocacy group of Hindus,
    today announced its intent to sue the Nobel committee for “gross
    violations of due process” in awarding the 2006 Nobel Prize for
    Physics to space scientists John Mather and George Smoot. Dismissing
    the Nobel Committee’s judgment that the awardees’ work “looks back
    into the infancy of the Universe and attempts to gain some
    understanding of the origin of galaxies and stars”, LAF President
    Pravin Singhal asserted that the origin of the universe never held any
    mystery for true Hindus.

    “The Puranas speak of the creation and destruction of the universe in
    cycles of 8.64 billion years, which is quite close to the currently
    accepted value [13.7 billion years] regarding the time of the big
    bang, give or take a few billion years. We Hindus are never given our
    due”, he said in a voice choked with emotion, and quoted Swami
    Prakashanand Saraswati (spiritual leader of the Vedic Foundation) in
    support: “Hindu scriptures reveal the scientific axioms that are
    extremely helpful in the research and the development of science. But,
    the intelligentsia of the world as well as the researchers of the
    physical sciences, being skeptical of Hindu religion, never thought of
    using the scientific knowledge of the Upnishads and the Puranas to
    promote their study and researches in the right direction.”[4]

    His voice now a rising crescendo of righteous indignation, Singhal
    continued: “We have been silent way too long, but the latest affront
    is one too many. We will not rest until the Christian West recognizes
    the contributions of ancient Hindu sages who not only predicted the
    creation but also the destruction of the universe (the latter still
    beyond the grasp of modern science).”

    “If only we had the means to file a suit, we would have done so
    already”, a colleague ruefully reminded. “Our California effort has
    all but emptied our coffers, and we are averse to dipping into our
    pogrom funds [5] to finance what’s surely going to be a long-drawn
    legal battle”, Singhal clarified, and appealed to “all Hindus and
    defenders of minority rights to help us set the record straight, and
    give credit where it is due (our ancient sages).” He concluded on a
    promising note: “We already have endorsements from the Organization of
    Upper Caste Hindus (OUCH), Parents for Equality of Stupidity in
    Textbooks (PEST) and the Vishwa Looney Parishad (VLP or the World
    Looney Council).

    Meanwhile, a little known group calling itself the American Loonies
    Against Discrimination (ALAD) threatened the Nobel Committee with a
    suit of its own for legitimating what it called a “false” theory. Andy
    Shah, President of ALAD, explained: “Swami Prakashanand Saraswati has
    already proved that the big bang and the inflation of the universe
    never happened, that our planetary system (along with all the
    celestial abodes) was originally created by Brahma 155.5219719616
    trillion years ago, and that our Hindu religion was first revealed
    111.52 trillion years ago [6]. So, attributing a far more recent
    origin to the universe (13.7 billion years) is a malicious attempt by
    anti-Hindu forces to contradict the glorious antiquity of our
    religion. This is a gross violation of minority rights and a grievous
    assault on our tradition and the self-esteem of all Hindus,
    particularly children.”

    As an out-of-breath Shah paused to catch breath, one of his underlings
    intervened: “Such willful disregard for the glorious traditions of
    Hinduism can only give greater fillip to brazen assertions of equality
    by the Dalits.”

    Shah brusquely cut him off and continued: “What my friend meant to say
    is that a society with no respect for tradition will slowly but surely
    degenerate into anarchy. We are all for equal rights for everyone, we
    most assuredly are not sectarian. In fact, every day we preach the
    message of Jesus Christ to the Dalits: Blessed are the meek: for they
    shall inherit the earth. We also agree with Pope John Paul II that we
    mortals ‘should not inquire into the beginning itself because that was
    the moment of creation and the work of God’. We do hope to work with
    the Vatican to halt the march of godless science and its cheerleaders
    (like the Nobel Committee).”

    Notes:

    1. The groups involved are the Hindu American Foundation, the Hindu
    Education Foundation and the Vedic Foundation, all of them with
    demonstrable links to the Sangh Parivar (family of Hindutva groups) in
    India. For details, see the amicus brief filed by the Friends of South
    Asia and its allies here [pdf].

    2. For a short list of such edits, see this.

    3. The irony was not lost on those familiar with the workings of the
    Sangh Parivar; see “Indian Jim Crow in Victim Garb”.

    4. All quotes attributed to Swami Prakashanand Saraswati are from his
    book, “The true history and the religion of India”. For more on his
    scholarship, see “Move Over Intelligent Design, Here Comes Bhartiya
    Creationism”
    .

    5. The Sangh Parivar’s work in India is partly (but significantly)
    financed by its foreign fronts masquerading as charities. See “The
    Foreign Exchange of Hate: IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva”
    and “In Bad Faith? British
    Charity & Hindu Extremism”
    .

    6. The Vedic Foundation used to proudly display this “fact”. When
    challenged in public, it quickly cleaned up its website but not fast
    enough to vanish without a trace. For your amusement, an archived copy
    is available here.

    Ra Ravishankar is a contributor to the Campaign to Stop Funding
    Hate
    .

  • The Shorter History of God

    First some history. The Hebrew tribes were a violent lot, not just because their literary enemies, like the 3rd century BCE historian Manetho, says they were, but violent even by their own reckoning. From Abraham’s fatwah on the cities of the plain, described gleefully by the author of Genesis (Genesis 19:12-29) as the first victory of Yahweh against his enemies, right down to the final humiliation of the God-forsaken people (their description) and the fall of the southern kingdom of Judaea (586 BCE), the love of war and the smell of blood dominates the Hebrew Bible.

    Take for example this little story in the Book of Judges: A certain Levite takes a concubine, who deserts him. Outraged, the Levite drags her away, by night, from her father’s house – a bad move because thieves, brigands, and homosexuals are about after dark. Bypassing the chance for an overnight stay in Jebus, the Levite and his concubine find lodging with a Hebrew family of Benjamites in the village of Gibeah. When the aged householder refuses the demands of a band of rampaging youths, who want to have sex with the Levite traveler, the old man tosses out his daughter and the Levite’s girlfriend as substitutes. The young men of the city pack-rape the women throughout the night, and with vampire-like aversion for sunlight leave them for dead the next morning. Outraged that his concubine could not defend herself against the sex-starved youth of Gibeah, the wayfaring Hebrew chops her into “twelve pieces, limb by limb and sen[ds] the pieces throughout the whole of Israel.” The text is chillingly ambiguous whether the concubine is dead or still alive when the vivisection takes place. (Judges 19.)

    Entertaining? You bet—almost Hollywood caliber horror. The only difference is, this horror story occurs in a book thought to be revealed by a God who is fundamentally good and eternally just, one who rewards whom he wants, humiliates when he wants, is jealous when he feels like it, and compassionate when he doesn’t feel like being jealous. He is a lot like the trolls your grandmother told you about, only he lives in the sky, not under a bridge, and he plays tricks on people rather than goats. This God proves his might by exalting his people over other people, except in those (frequent) cases when it becomes necessary for him to spank his elect so severely they perish at their enemies’ hands. Then their enemies, with his blessing, take away their land, destroy their temple, and send them penniless into dispersion. This God seldom brings you presents; almost always sticks and lumps of coal, for which nonetheless you have to say thank you.

    The climax of this way of thinking, all deference to the maligned Mel Gibson, is the image of a God so brutal that he inflicts pain, bloody suffering, and death on his innocent son as a vicarious way of venting his anger against the sinfulness of his chosen people. Christian theology may try to disguise this bottom line, or find an ethical tradition to replace it. But it is the core teaching of the Bible that this is the way God acts; this is the way God is. The Christian bifurcation of the “angry” Old Testament God and the “forgiving” and compassionate God of the New systematically overlooks the fact that only in the Christian Bible does God evolve into an abusive father who arranges the death of his own son as an covert means of regaining the fealty of a race he sold into sin in the Garden of Eden. Nor am I exaggerating the traditional theology on this point; almost all the church fathers from the time of Irenaeus onward saw the sin of Adam as creating a game of chess which God could only win by resorting to deception: fashioning a second man, like Adam, who could cheat death of its right to his human soul by being quintessentially (but “invisibly”) divine. Bluntly, God “pays” the devil, who “owned” us after the fall, a human life to let us go (Irenaeus, V.1.1.); but the devil could not take the God-man and gets caught out by his greed. This is sometimes called the “ransom” theory of the atonement. It sees the devil as Shylock to God’s Portia, demanding more than his due and losing the whole jackpot—world, flesh and princely pomp—in the bargain. Translated: You have a neighbor who treats his teenage son abysmally, a father whose acts of cruelty are frequent, known, and unprovoked, and whose reason for beating the child is that, as a consequence of the boy’s disobedience, the father does not have the respect of his neighbors. To gain their respect he decides that his son must pay the price. So, convincing the son that the long-term benefits to reputation far outweigh any momentary pain, he shoots him at high noon on a Saturday within plain sight of a dozen of his neglectful friends. In a criminal case we should have no difficulty asking that the father to be locked up without parole. In theology, we argue that the Father loved the world so much he just had to do it.

    Because the theology of violence and concomitant suffering—which theology dubs redemption and atonement—so permeates the ancient Semitic world, the Jews reacted appropriately, theologically speaking, to the Assyrian, the Babylonian, the Persian, the Greek-Macedonian, and the Roman assaults on their national identity. God could fight on whosoever side he chose, but there was always a reason, and the reason always had something to do with fidelity, and fidelity always with carrots and sticks. The worse the humiliation, the worse must have been “what was done in the sight of the Lord, who rewards good and punishes evil.” It is only when the whole political dream lay in smoke, as it did in April in the year 70 CE, that Hebrew theology can no longer accept the terms of the Abrahamic covenant in the same old way. After all, a god who promises a land, the miraculous increase of Abraham’s descendants (“as populous as the stars in the sky”), and the final victory over the enemies of God, but then who gives the land to strangers, sends his chosen people into Roman ghettoes and Syrian slavery, ensures their defeat in every battle with the goyim, might just be trying to tell you something. The idiot’s Guide to Messianism might suggest that this God enjoyed the company of fools or making fools of his customers, with every act of destruction attended by a false promise of restoration, renewal, refreshment. The whole fabric of messianic and apocalyptic expectation is drawn against a background of unhappiness and disappointment, against hope that can be measured in literary units but always ends with “not yet,” “later, “sometime next year.” The Jewish and later the Christian inability to acknowledge the disconfirmation of their messianic claims, their stubbornness in the face of defeat is the origin of ancient anti-Semitism, like that of Tacitus and the beleaguered Vespasian and the staple of early anti-Christian polemic by the likes of Celsus and Porphyry: “How terrible it would be if God the Creator should stand helplessly by and see the heavens melting away in a storm of fire—the stars falling, the earth dying. For no none has ever imagined anything more glorious than the beauty of the heavens.” (Porphyry, AC, Apoc. 4.24).

    The disconfirmation of the apocalyptic and messianic God is a fact of history. He did not set fire to the world. He did not send a rescuer. He did not come again. Skeptics will say that these things were not done because this God does not exist anyway. But for dispersed Jews and newly legitimated imperial Christians of the fourth century, their changed circumstances required closing the book on this God, making him a figure of the past, a symbol of majesty, just as later, in the Enlightenment he could become a watchmaker, whose services were admirable but no longer required.

    The God of a superceded Judaism and a triumphal Christianity may look different to the adherents of the competing traditions, even to scholars studying these traditions. Judaism retreated into mysticism and ethics. Christianity spun doctrines, invented a new kind of state to serve as his museum, and enshrined his brutal demands in more humane codes. But by and large, the Levite and the punishing god of hosts who counted his enemies by the tens of thousands was kept safely locked away in the Book, in languages sufficiently arcane that fewer and fewer could read the awful diary of his deeds. It took the Reformation to unlock it, to free him. But, as luck would have it, by the time he was freed, he found among his covenanted people, old and new, a Spinoza–later by not much a Voltaire, a Hume. Disobedient children all. And he had wasted the life of the only son he had to spare centuries before. –Sad really. If only he had been a better father.

    >

    R. Joseph Hoffmann is Professor and Chair of Religious Studies at Wells College and a Senior Fellow at the Center for Inquiry International.

  • The Veil: a Non-Muslim Feminist Perspective

    Well, everyone knows what Jack straw thinks about women wearing the veil, so I thought I’d share my thoughts.

    Whilst I understand and accept that people like to wear various apparel to show an allegiance to the particular religion they subscribe to, the wearing of the veil overspills the religious and even the cultural arena. The veil demands of a woman an extreme form of modesty which both isolates and subjugates her. Anything that does this to women, be it in the name of religion, culture, or whatever else, is wrong.

    It subjugates because one of the many things a veil does is put the responsibility for controlling male sexual desire squarely on a woman’s shoulders. She must cover-up or risk being sexually harassed or raped. But it is not woman’s responsibility to control male sexual desire. How long have feminists fought the damaging idea that if a woman wears a short skirt that she is “asking for it”. As a feminist, I’m not going to turn a blind eye to such a misogynistic view just because some ancient belief system is involved. And I never bought into cultural relativism even before I knew what that term meant.

    The veil also physically restricts the woman. How does she go swimming? Or attend a gym? Or ride a bike? How many times is she denied the pleasure of feeling the sun on her skin? Or the friendly smiles of strangers, both to give and receive? How hard is interaction with other women, never mind other men, outside her social circle? How many casual conversation is she denied in waiting rooms, libraries, bus stops, or anywhere else that humanity gathers? How many jobs can’t she do? How many careers can she not follow? Just how small does that small piece of cloth make her world?

    And if the above seems insignificant to you, then just imagine this being asked of men. Imagine it being asked of you.

    And I don’t for one minute assume that all women who wear the veil, in this country or elsewhere, are made to do it by men. I know the veil is increasingly becoming a thing of choice for women in this country at least. This is because there is much currency to be found in her immediate and perhaps wider community for doing so. And what is the market for this currency? It is a market that trades in the value of women as wife and mothers, and in her rejection of the world outside of this. She is rewarded for squeezing her existence into the tiniest and tidiest image of what a woman should be, and for her rejection of idependence, individualism and freedom of choice.

    I find such a market as unpalatable as the market that trades in women’s flesh and immodesty. The women who buy into this extreme form of modesty are at the opposite end of the scale to the women who get their tits out for the lads. The Page Three Girl and the Burka wearing Muslim may be at opposite ends of the scale, but they have something in common. Both rely wholly on the approval and the mercy of men for their existence. I suggest that either place is not a healthy place to be.

    Which makes me ask why this issue was not raised by one such as Clare Short. She, and other high profile women, spoke out against the issue of soft porn in our papers and how this degrades women twenty or so years ago. Where are these voices now? Why isn’t the cultural habit for woman to obliterate their form and turn themselves into non-beings on our streets, as repellent as the cultural habit for women to expose every aspect of their body and being in our newspapers? Why are we struggling to see this as a feminist issue?

    And above all, should our media not be finding the time to talk to as many Muslims who are anti-veil as they are talking to Muslims who are pro-veil? Because coming through once again loud and clear is the voice of the regressive over the progressive.

    And unfortunately I’m also hearing the voice of the racist who sees this issue as yet another chance for a bit of Muslim bashing. I desperately hope I haven’t come across as a Muslim basher here. It is precisely because I don’t see a dividing barrier between myself and Muslim women that makes me want to speak out.

    This article first appeared at Drink-Soaked Trots and is published here by permission.

  • On Multiculturalism And Religion – Jesus Doesn’t Morris Dance

    When we think of multiculturalism we tend to think of an educated internationalist outlook: a broad modern palate able to appreciate foods, wines, books, music and art from around the world. We also tend to include religion on that list; but that is a mistake.

    Religion is in another category than food, clothes and wine. It is a system of ideas in its own right, and, what is more, it is a system of ideas that stands in absolute opposition to the multicultural principle. Religion is about narrowing options: reducing the amount of reading, reducing the number of competing thoughts, channelling everything towards the one book, the one way, the one lord. When religious people pretend they are multicultural they are being dishonest, and when we accept them at their word we make a grave error. A repressive idea is hiding behind a liberal idea and we are blithely stamping it and passing it along.

    This error can be expressed as a syllogism:

    multiculturalism is educated and enlightened,

    religion is classed as multiculturalism,

    therefore religion is educated and enlightened.

    Picking apart almost any debate on the subject can quickly expose enough contradictions and dubious pronouncements to illustrate the theory.
    On August 17th, an Imam and a Priest were on BBC London News to discuss the proposition, Has Multiculturalism Worked? That will do nicely.

    The debate was a response to the bomb fears at Heathrow. It lasted only about five minutes and it wasn’t especially enlightening. In fact, it felt as if we had watched this same item many many times before. The Imam got angry, the Priest got terribly terribly reasonable, if you wrote it as drama it would be ripped up for clichés. Which is why it will do nicely. You don’t need any elaborate set-up to make this case; it’s all there in a stock encounter. When religion plays at being multicultural the façade can’t hold for long.

    The debate finished with the Imam and the Priest concluding that multiculturalism is ok; that any tensions in society are absolutely nothing to do with religion and that if we all respected one another’s religion everything would be all right.

    There were at least five things tricksy and wrong with this encounter. There were probably more, but these five lurched up largest, and all five are symptoms of the same big mistake. Let us call it The Chicken In Black Bean Sauce Mistake: religion is not benign exotic culture, and when we treat it as if it were we give it an inappropriately soft handling.

    Mistake One: religion is politics.

    The habit of axiomatically treating clerics as moralists and intellectuals never fails to irk, but even the BBC should have noticed that two men who believe the good stuff starts with death, does not a balanced panel make.

    (Note: a religious person might be moral and might be intellectual, but you don’t have to look too far into the wars and the gallows and the bonfires to see that morality should not be assumed, and you don’t have to look too far into the magical ideas and the rejection of science to see that intellectualism should not be assumed either.)

    Whether it is right to live as though the next world is the main event is not the issue. The point is that that is a complete worldview. It has something to say about every aspect of life, and something quite particular. Clerics sell a special sort of politics and we should be aware of this when we give them empty hustings to make their pitch.

    Note, however, that it would not be worth an argument if it were two musicians on a panel. That is because musicians do not generally have an all-encompassing political agenda; neither do dancers, neither do chefs. In this respect religion differs from everything else on the multicultural list, and when we miss that difference we allow religious leaders a freedom we would allow no other politician. For religion is politics; and tough politics too.

    Mistake Two: autocrats aren’t multicultural.

    By its very nature monotheistic religion is an autocratic political theory: one ruler, one law, no dissent, and punishment for eternity for anyone who steps out of line. Some people will argue that that is a very strict understanding of religion and no one really believes that stuff these days. Well maybe they do and maybe they don’t, but those beliefs are so very far from the multicultural ideal that we need more than assumption to let them pass. Besides, if someone says they stand for one thing why would you assume that they actually stand for something completely different? Are you calling them a hypocrite? That is just rude. Take doctrine at face value until there is good evidence not to, and this rule holds doubly fast when the doctrine is totalitarian. You are playing foolishly with freedom if you let authoritarian ideology shrug past. Moreover, the facts have a bad habit of fitting just fine with the intolerant core belief: Christians threaten to murder BBC executives who show Jerry Springer The Opera; the Ayatollah puts up money to have Salman Rushdie killed; the Taliban blow up the Bamiyan Buddhas. Inviting two monotheists onto BBC London News to declare how much they love broadening culture seems, shall we say, odd.

    Mistakes Three and Four are just for fun. Remember the debate conclusions:

    …any tensions in society are absolutely nothing to do with religion
    and that if we all respected one another’s religion everything would be all right.

    Mistake Three: if the tensions in society are absolutely nothing to do with religion, how can respecting religion be the answer?

    A 180 spin has been executed in the middle of that sentence. It is a smooth piece of logical stunt driving and one expected to catch the Imam and the Priest winking at each other and giving big thumbs up when it passed uncontested.

    Occasionally religion needs a flat out lie to make it look liberal; here is a large one. The particular tensions in society in the week of the debate were over the plan to slaughter hundreds of airline passengers out of Heathrow. The Imam and the Priest brazened it out: there was no way that this was at all a religious thing. That would imply that religion was an intolerant sort of thought system. Shoulders back, chin out, nobody blink. Unfortunately, that large lie is undermined by the way the current run of Islamic killers keep making videos to tell the world that it definitely is a religious thing.

    Let’s take another look at the conclusion:

    …if we all respected one another’s religion everything would be all right.

    Mistake Four: monotheism proposes one absolute truth; it is therefore de facto impossible for true believers to respect one another’s religion. If I honestly believe in my one God, then I must believe that your different God is a faker, a sham and a false idol.

    Note that it is not de facto impossible for a lover of Italian shoes to respect Swedish meatballs. The elements of what one might call consumerist multiculturalism – music, food, dance – can sit happily side by side. But religion, if it is sincere, demands we start cutting other things out. That is not multiculturalism, and when we say that it is, we are laying antitheses in a line and calling it agreement.

    Mistake Five: talk of respect.

    The Imam and the Priest called for us all to respect one another’s religion. Calling for respect is a common liberal move and it tends to sound eminently reasonable. But it is not.

    In a free society you absolutely do not have to respect other people’s systems of ideas. That is the whole point. You have complete freedom to question them, improve upon them and mock them as you choose – and never forget that a religion is just a system of ideas with a magical fantastical dimension.

    No particular deference should be shown to supernatural worldviews. If Paine can be mocked, so can the tooth fairy.

    Furthermore, if the system of ideas in question is a repressive one, then as far as you have any duty, you have a duty to show disrespect. Stand up for freedoms other people bled to give you.

    Anyone who asks for enforced respect is asking for some very serious powers. They would need a very large thought police squad to check all the libraries, consider all the minds and wipe all the lobes of any dissent. A quick list of interesting questions makes the multicultural credentials of this position look rather hastily stamped:

    • How can we study science if we have to check results to see they don’t make a mockery of x possible holy books?
    • How can we respect the voice of the democratic mass if we have to first respect the booming voice of a very large god?
    • Who decides if enough scraping respect has been shown?
    • Who decides the punishments if it hasn’t?

    Don’t trust people who talk earnestly of respect. It is an elastic word that springs back very tightly.

    Of course, when some people talk of respect they don’t mean obeisance, they just mean tolerance or accommodation. But we should not automatically assume that this gentlest interpretation of respect is the one religious people are using. The British government plays with extending the blasphemy law; a Sikh mob attacks a theatre; this is respect for religion enforced by prison and sticks.

    Five errors in a five minute debate, and it looks as if you’d have to be paying very loose attention to let religion pass itself off as multicultural.

    Perhaps religion gets away with it because it is surrounded by so much soft culture: music, buildings, statues, etc. At the same time, much western religion has become gently agnostic. Christian festivals meld into pagan feasts; fir trees and bunnies mix up with mangers and crosses; the theological core grows dim. When people look at religion they don’t see an ideology, they just see vaulted roofs, minarets and candles, and those all seem perfectly fine on a multicultural list.

    Which raises the question; can religion ever be soft enough to be multicultural? Could some god not call out for a liberal agenda?

    A rough definition of religion is, rules for living built around an otherworldly entity. It is these rules that separate religion from general belief in magic, but it is also the rules that make religion something more than Chicken In Black Bean Sauce. However laissez-faire they are, rules for living are a sort of politics. You might argue that these could be largely unenforced, but the fervour with which they are implemented doesn’t alter their nature. Socialism lying in a book is still a plan for the world and still different from dancing, painting or singing.

    What about agnosticism? Could the low burning western religion, described above, be reconciled with multiculturalism? After all, if God is only a maybe, then it is only maybe important that you smash up other people’s libraries. But agnosticism isn’t really religion; it’s a sort of giving up. Without the leap of faith a church is a husk. Belief is the core: the unyielding heart around which the world must mould.

    However, because religion is such a potent idea we should be wary of it even as it winds down. An agnostic might not be strictly religious, but might be perfectly capable of intolerance. Whether this is bet hedging, reflexively going through old motions, or simply missing the piety and the power, a church must lie dormant for a long while before it is considered safe, and each quiet church must be judged in turn.

    Perhaps it is time to get rid of multiculturalism altogether. There is something lazy about so large an idea. Saying, it’s all good, means you don’t have to properly evaluate each new arrival.

    A few years ago Frieze magazine discussed getting rid of the word ‘art.’ Too many things hid behind it which ought to be judged on their own merits. Rather than call it all art we should ask whether this is a good painting, or a good sculpture or a clever concept. Probably we should make the effort to judge cultures in the same way, not just assume they’re good because multiculturalism is good.

    All of which takes us back to the syllogism at the top. Religion gets unearned liberal credits by being associated with multiculturalism, and liberal is not its natural form. In “The Passionate State Of Mind,” Eric Hoffer argues that intolerance is not an unhappy side effect of religion, but the whole point. Choice and responsibility are terrifying; people yearn for a hard channel through which their lives might flow. A liberal religion would never satisfy that yearning.

    In conclusion, religion is a natural monoculture. In fact, it is the ur-monoculture. It doesn’t like a lot of books. It doesn’t like a lot of films. It doesn’t like too many freedoms. If you put it in a sack with everything else, you will come back later to find one large sated beast and lots of little bones.

  • Rights Trump Culture and Religion

    Cultural relativism is not only a prescription for inaction and passivity in the face of the oppression of millions of people struggling and resisting in the Middle East and here in the west but is in fact racist in and of itself

    Cultural relativism and its more seemingly palatable multiculturalism have lowered standards and redefined values to such depths that not only are all cultures and beliefs deemed equally valid, they seem to have taken on personas of their own blurring the distinction between individuals and beliefs (whether theirs or imputed).

    As a result, concepts such as rights, equality, respect and tolerance, which were initially raised vis-à-vis the individual, are now more and more applicable to culture and religion and often take precedence over real live human beings.

    This is why any criticism and ridiculing of or opposition to beliefs, cultures, religions, gods and prophets are being deemed racism, disrespecting, inciting hatred and even violence against those deemed believers. Moreover, the social inclusion of people into society has come to solely mean the inclusion of their beliefs, sensibilities, concerns and agendas and nothing more.

    The above is particularly applicable to and spearheaded by Islam and political Islam as it is a religion in state power like in Iran or vying for political power in the likes of Britain and Canada. Cultural relativism has become the channel through which it and its apologists have sought to deflect criticism of its inhumane nature and at the same time undermine the very fabric of society here and elsewhere.

    Needless to say, cultural relativists have it all wrong.

    The distinction between humans and their beliefs is of crucial significance here. It is the human being who is sacred, worthy of the highest respect and rights and so on and so forth not his or her beliefs.

    It is the human being who is meant to be equal not his or her beliefs.

    Of course, people have the right to their beliefs no matter how absurd they may seem but that is a different matter. Having the right to a belief, culture, or religion does not mean that the belief or culture or religion must be respected or that those who disagree, oppose or choose to mock said beliefs must refrain from doing so because it is unacceptable to believers. (As an aside, given that much is unacceptable to the Islamists – including holding hands and dancing to music – there wouldn’t be much left to say or do if they had their way.)

    The demand of cultural relativists for ‘sensitivity’ and ‘responsibility’ (whilst thoughtfully reminding us that we have the right to mock and criticise – at least for now – in the west) are savvy attempts at actually restricting expression on and opposition to religion and culture and its adverse effects on people’s lives. After all, cultural relativism is brisk business for the many self-appointed cultural and religious ‘leaders’ working hand in hand with the state.

    But are we really expected to respect, for example, a belief that women are sub-human, that ‘disobedient’ children need to be exorcised, or that gays are perverts because someone or some religious groups believe it to be so? How about the belief that girls who date non-Muslim men should be murdered in the name of honour? Or that little girls should be veiled and not mix with boys or swim? And does anyone in their right mind really think that such beliefs are equal or equally valid to humanist, secularist, left and progressive ideals fought for by generations?

    This is of course not to deny that racism, including against Muslims, exists, but racism exists because of the profitability of racism for the class system and not because of critical thought and freedom of expression however offensive and insulting it may seem to those who hold those beliefs.

    And anyway, how can criticising or mocking or opposing a belief, culture or religion be racism against or disrespectful of those who believe them? Firstly, you cannot be racist against an idea or belief or ideology. Racism is distinctions, exclusions, restrictions or preferences based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin (albeit constructed) of individuals – of human beings – not their beliefs. Saying a criticism or mockery of Islam, Mohammad, or political Islam is Islamophobia or racism against Muslims is like saying condemnation of Judaism and Zionism fans anti-Semitism.

    Clearly, there is a big difference between Muslims and political Islam – as a contemporary right wing political movement like many others, as well as between Muslims and Islam, which is the ideological aspect of this contemporary movement and a belief like many others.

    Blurring the distinctions between the two and the use of rights and anti-racist language here in the west to do so are devious ways of silencing criticism and opposition – criticism which is particularly crucial given the havoc that political Islam has inflicted in the Middle East and North Africa and more recently here in the west. Needless to say, the language calling for restraint rapidly becomes one of threats and intimidation when Islamists has some form of political power. In Iran, Iraq and elsewhere, they kill and maim indiscriminately, tolerate nothing and no one, hang the ‘unchaste’, ‘kafirs’ and ‘apostates’ from cranes in city centres, and say it is their divine right to do so.

    Cultural relativism is not only a prescription for inaction and passivity in the face of the oppression of millions of people struggling and resisting in the Middle East and here in the west but is in fact racist in and of itself.

    This is because it implies that masses of people choose to live the way they are often forced to and imputes on them the most reactionary elements of culture and religion, which is that of the ruling class, imams and self-appointed leaders. I am supposedly automatically Muslim because I was born in Iran as if that is the only option available; the Muslim Council of Britain, the Islamic Human Rights Commission and the rest of them supposedly automatically represent me – though I wouldn’t touch any them with a ten foot barge pole.

    Cultural relativism also implies that Islam and political Islam represent all those who are considered Muslims – whether they were born or living in the Middle East, Asia or North Africa or once came from there umpteen generations ago. It would be similar to assume that the Catholic Church (that is during the inquisition) and the right wing British National Party represent all British.

    It’s as if there are no classes, political, social and rights activists, communists, atheists, progressives, humanists, rationalists or secularists among this group – all are Muslims and the most reactionary of Islamists at that!

    In addition, for society, cultural relativism promotes a policy of minoritism where people deemed to be different because of their culture are ghettoized in regressive fragmented "minority" communities where they continue to face apartheid and Islamic laws and customs. Their rights are not the highest standards available in the given society as one would expect but the most regressive and reactionary ones. They live in Bantustans with somewhat separate legal, social, cultural, and religious systems. They are compartmentalised to the lowest reactionary denominator and are relegated to second and third class status. They are forever minorities and never ever equal citizens. They are denied access to universal standards and norms. They are denied equal rights and the secularism fought for and established by progressive movements over centuries.

    The idea of difference has always been the fundamental principle of a racist agenda not the other way around.

    The defeat of Nazism and its biological theory of difference largely discredited racial superiority. The racism behind it, however, found another more acceptable form of expression for this era. Instead of expression in racial terms, difference is now portrayed in cultural terms.

    In the face of this onslaught, secularism, universalism and values worthy of 21st century humanity have to be defended and promoted unequivocally.

    We must not allow any more concessions to cultural relativism; we must no longer allow the respect for and toleration of inhuman beliefs and practices. We must hold the human being sacred. We must start first and foremost with the human being. We must stop sub-dividing people into a million categories beginning with religion and nationality and ethnicity and minority and not even ending in Human.

    At a minimum, we must have the complete separation of religion from the state and educational system. Secularism is an important vehicle to protect society from religion’s intervention in people’s lives. A person’s religion has to be a private affair. All religious and religious-inspired notions and references must be omitted from laws. No reference must be made to them in any official documents or in the media, whether as individuals or groups.

    Faith schools, religious education and religion in assemblies must be abolished. Child veiling and religious symbols in schools and public institutions must be prohibited. Children and under 16s must be protected from all forms of manipulation by religions and religious institutions. Cultural and religious practices or ceremonies, which are violent, inhuman, or incompatible with people’s rights and equality must be banned. Any kind of financial, material or moral support by the state to religion and religious activities and institutions must be stopped. All religious establishments must be registered as private enterprises, taxed…

    And it is the state that is duty bound to implement these. Everyday, the state intervenes to protect people whether they want it or not (e.g. in domestic violence or child neglect cases). It has to do so with regards to religion as well. Not necessarily because it likes to but because civil society and established norms force it to.

    Civil rights, freedom and equality, secularism, modernism, are universal concepts that have been fought for by progressive social movements and the working class in various countries.

    That people worldwide, including in Iran, continue to struggle for equality, freedom, secularism and to overcome their lack of rights and repressive regimes is a confirmation of this universality.

    Of course, cultural relativists have said and will say that universal rights are a western concept. This is just more deception on their part. When it comes to using the mass media to broadcast their decapitations, or using the web to organise terrorist attacks, and the internet to issue fatwas and death threats, the Islamists do not say it is western and incompatible with an Islamist society. It is only when it comes to universal rights, standards and values, and secularism, that they suddenly become western. Even if such rights and values are western, it is absurd to say that others’ are not worthy of them.

    In fact, though, rights are gains forcibly taken by the working class and progressive social movements. Therefore, any gain or right obtained anywhere is a gain and a right for all humanity.

    Only an unequivocal defence of universal rights, secularism and the de-religionisation of rights and values will challenge cultural relativism and its racism head on and relegate it to where it belongs – the dustbins of history.

    Maryam Namazie is the host of TV International English, is a Central Council Member of the Organisation of Women’s Liberation and Director of the International Relations Committee of the Worker-communist Party of Iran.

  • Who needs sophistry, anyway?

    Scientists and philosophers need sophistry. This article will
    show why and how. The argument will need to draw from the history and
    philosophy of science of Pierre Duhem, as well as the concepts of
    intellectual property and the science of persuasion.

    I. A choice of arms.

    As you are reading this, you may hear a popping noise. Do not fret: it
    is the faint, disquieting sound of science being broken. It is this
    tiny bit of irksome vibration that really gives content to the name,
    “pop science”. Well-intentioned hands of varying degrees of competence
    are to blame for it.

    We all know of professional errors. The most recent case that comes to
    mind is that of Dr. William Hammesfahr, a figure in the Terri Schiavo
    farce. His credentials are never questioned — he was not a mail-order
    doctor — but despite his vetting, we were left with impressions of
    incompetence fuelled by his attempts to engage in patient checkups via
    anecdotal
    evaluation
    . One may also be reminded of Dr. Bill Frist’s
    allegations that AIDS could be caught through tears and sweat
    (though, to his credit, his claims were tentative). Noteables may
    include Ward Churchill’s sock
    puppet style
    to academic
    research
    . Examples are never hard to find on this score, and it’s
    hard to have the discipline to carry through a list.

    There are also the errors of pundits. Michael Crichton’s war on global
    warming comes first to mind, relying upon weak arguments to
    reach the bold conclusion he desired. In June of this year, Eric
    Muller reviewed
    an attack
    upon the purportedly leftist American legal system by
    jurist-cum-pundit Mark W. Smith. Muller’s question was, “Where is the
    academic truth squad?” Why don’t professional intellectuals voice
    their critiques publically?

    Muller’s question can be rephrased and its scope may be expanded.
    Whenever science is under attack from the world of the layman, where
    are the defences from scientists? Why greet slander with silence?

    The standard view seems to be that, if the expert gives a response to
    folly, they dignify foolishness. This is undoubtedly part of LBJ’s
    logic when he reputedly asked an aide to spread a rumor that Nixon
    liked to fuck pigs, just because Johnson wanted to hear Nixon deny it.
    Whatever Nixon’s answer, it would have been self-defeating. And no
    doubt this is the tactic which the
    Go-Go’s
    had in mind when they sang: “Pay no mind to what they say
    / It doesn’t matter anyway / … There’s a weapon we must use / In our
    defense: / silence.”

    A part of this view can be sustained by a certain view of the nature
    of rationality. According to cooperation
    theorists
    , what it means to reason adequately is to cooperate in
    conversation. Fallacies of
    informal logic
    are paradigmatic examples of problems that arise
    simply because one interlocutor was either unwilling or unable to
    understand the other locutor correctly (i.e., ambiguity and
    amphiboly), or pursued ends in conversation which were other than
    reaching mutual understanding (i.e., ad hominems). Indeed, in my
    experience, some (admittedly bastardized) corollary to the
    cooperative view, the “principle of
    charity
    “, is par for the course in contemporary analytic
    philosophy. So if the purpose of the scientist and
    scientifically-minded philosopher is to foster and encourage reasoned
    debate, then it does no-one any good to engage in uncooperative ones,
    the kind which are inevitably based on toxic
    gesticulations at a fellow television panellist
    for the purposes
    of impressing a bored studio audience. Reason is a lifestyle, in a
    sense, and getting in a rhetorical firefight chips away at one’s sense
    of it. Better to just walk away.

    However, when the standard view is taken to excess, it involves a kind
    of intellectual hygiene that can also be consistent with cult-like
    behavior, or otherwise result in spoiled impressions. After all, this
    is a tactic that Ayn Rand stressed quite a bit in her work, and thus a
    kind of mantra which Leonard Peikoff and his friends use to insulate
    themselves intellectually. It’s a tactic which John Kerry used against
    the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth sham — and much to
    America’s dismay, gave the Vets ground they might not have otherwise
    had. Many scientists and philosophers have realized the perils of
    insulation, and taken strides to build a genuine “third
    culture
    “.

    Another kind of silence is the quieting of thought, and not just of
    speech. The quieting of the mind takes the form of indecision and
    apathy. To some ancient Greek philosophers, the state of indifference,
    called ataraxia, could be a means of avoiding suffering. No doubt, the
    solid majority of persons who are uninitiated to the minor passions
    which propel scholarly opinion are largely in this state of contented
    indecision, letting those things which are merely academic belong to
    the academy. I think it goes without saying, though, that this sublime
    indifference is not a thing which will find much purchase among
    scientists.

    If silence seems far from enough, we have at least three ways to speak
    truth to power. Some methods are more dramatic, some less; some more
    legitimate, some less.

    For instance, if drama is not the forte of scientists, they might
    (when given the opportunity) appeal to a kind of invitational
    rhetoric
    : a tone of conversation which opens up disciplined but free
    inquiry in pursuit of mutual understanding
    . This might be what Balthasar
    Gracian
    had in mind when he wrote, “speak with the many, but think
    with the few”. Nevertheless, regrettably, the demands of situations
    will take their toll, and in a mass-media environment, invitational
    rhetoric seems impossible.

    On the other hand, if drama can be stomached, the scientist can engage
    in traditional debates, or in humor-driven
    mockery
    , or not-so-humor-driven derogation of the source. Both
    strategies have the advantage of being mere changes in tone, not
    necessarily having to resort to outright falsehoods for the sake of
    making an impression. The downside is that both seem like unreasonable
    strategies in those situations where error arises innocently.

    The final alternative is to engage in well-intentioned sophistry.
    Sophistry, for my purposes, is characterized by the use of wise
    exaggerations, or what we might call sophiboles. Use of the
    sophibole can be catalogued on a spectrum: at one end, a great deal of
    content is fabricated to convey a few truths, and at the other end,
    the fabrications are only rhetorical exagerations to make a point. At
    the one end, to make use of symbolism and allegory in fictional
    storytelling is to make ample use of the sophibole. Somewhere in the
    middle of the spectrum, we have satire. At the other extreme, we have
    statements which are not strictly true, but which get a message across
    more forcefully than would be possible by other means. It goes without
    saying that my analysis for present purposes concentrates upon the
    exaggerated content of some utterances, and not merely their
    manner of speaking.

    II. Scientific sophibole.

    A. The scientific revolution.

    What is perhaps neglected in regular analysis of these themes is the
    extent to which ostensibly competent scientists themselves deviate
    from reason and careful analysis in their rhetoric, and make strange
    exaggerations.

    In order to understand the force of the argument to follow, we should
    first pause to ask, “What is science? How is it practiced?”. It seems
    to me that scientific inquiry can be summarized as the application of
    logic to the recognition of patterns through empirical research. This
    generic formulation allows for all kinds of different methods of
    inquiry to don the cap of “science”, so long as the procedures are an
    admixture of deduction and induction, with emphasis upon the latter.
    For instance, the hypothetico-deductive method, inductive
    classification, and the abductive method are all accounted for. (The
    sole worry is that some varieties of pseudoscience seem to fall under
    that very same heading, but for the purposes of brevity I’m going to
    ignore that.)

    One unfortunate implication of this understanding of science is that
    it seems to suggest that the conclusions we draw are entirely
    fallible. For if we rely so
    much upon induction
    , almost nothing is wholly certain. We are
    stuck understanding the fruits of science as mere probabilities,
    and/or as fanciful constructions open to future review (what the late
    and handsomely named Benjamin
    N. Nelson
    called “probabilism” and “fictionalism”, respectively).
    And indeed, despite a history of noble attempts to save scientific
    certainty without appeal to either of these beasts, these simply seem
    like the most plausible ways to understand the way science moves.

    [Other candidates touted as saviors of philosophical certainty include
    concepts like the “a priori” and direct causal knowledge of external,
    but it seems to me they have inspired more confidence than they
    deserve. Appeals to the a priori are most plausibly defended
    by those philosophers of mind who defend theories of innateness.
    However, so long as they present cases in terms of innate abilities,
    not innate ideas or thoughts, they miss the point of the empiricist’s
    dismissal of the a priori. Appeals to direct causal knowledge of
    external events seem more plausible — I can see very clearly that my
    hand causes the pen to move across the table when I will it, with only
    minimal inference involved — this knowledge is not as reliable as
    knowledge of the sense-data which saturate my experience.]

    What’s quite disquieting to learn is that, according to the
    estimations of historian and philosopher of science Pierre Duhem, if
    you were to ask the canonical Enlightenment scientists (Galileo,
    Francis Bacon, Pascal, Copernicus, Kepler, or Newton) whether or not
    probabilism or fictionalism were scientific, they would have laughed
    you sober. The conclusions of these greats were bold and assertive
    statements of truth (usually referred to as a kind of realism). They
    did not make serious pitstops in hard skepticism. According to Nelson,
    they had both subjective certitude and objective
    certainty
    , propelled (in Galileo’s case; in Il
    Saggiatore
    ) by a Pythagorean conviction that the universe is
    understandable only through appreciation of numbers, but yielding a
    profound certainty.

    As Edward Grant (1962) explains:

    Modern science has shown a greater affinity with the XIVth
    century than with the century of Galileo and Newton. In the judgment
    of Pierre Duhem medieval scholastics had a truer conception of science
    than did most of the great scientists of the Scientific Revolution…
    He could not hide his scorn for the naivete of some of the greatest
    figures of XVIIth century science who confidently believed they could
    — and should — grasp and lay bare reality itself…

    Duhem is, in general, quite right. Scholastics were most sophisticated
    and mature in their understanding of the role which an hypothesis must
    play in the fabric of science. They were not, as we have seen, deluded
    into believing that they could acquire indubitable truths about
    physical reality. But it is an historical fact that the Scientific
    Revolution occurred in the XVIIth century — not in the Middle Ages
    under nominalist auspices. Despite the significant achievements of
    medieval science… it is doubtful that a scientific revolution could
    have occurred within a tradition which came to emphasize uncertainty,
    probability, and possibility, rather than certainty, exactness and
    faith that fundamental physical truths– which could not be
    otherwise– were attainable. It was Copernicus who, by an illogical
    move, first mapped the new path and inspired the Scientific Revolution
    by bequeathing to it his own ardent desire for knowledge of physical
    realities. [from “Late Medieval Thought, Copernicus and the
    Scientific Revolution” in the Journal of the History of Ideas.]

    So, by Duhem’s account, the true defenders of cautious (but logical)
    science were not the recognized icons of the
    scientific revolution, but rather, in many cases they were orthodox
    advocates of the church. In other words: those men who came to totally
    wrongheaded conclusions about, say, heliocentrism, themselves seemed
    to make more logical and sensible presentations on the nature of
    science than the actual advocates of science themselves.

    No doubt, Duhem’s claims are worth inspiring volumes of debate.
    Conventional wisdom seems to be knocked about like a mouse in the paws
    of a cat. Whatever conclusions
    which the reader accepts of Duhem’s, and which they reject, it doesn’t
    matter, on the whole. What I ask of the reader is to concede a single
    point on epistemology. All I need to make my day is the concession
    that, with rare exceptions, scientific investigations most prudently
    and reasonably merit statements in terms of probabilities, not
    certainties. Once we accept these rough-and-ready ideas about the
    state of knowledge, we are in a position to accept that these
    brilliant, innovative, and informed people really were engaging in
    sophibolic rhetoric.

    B. Pinker and Turkheimer.

    So sophiboles, it seems, were historically used. But sophiboles are
    not just of historical interest. They are used regularly today by the
    most respectable of scholars.

    Take the case of social scientists Steven Pinker and Eric Turkheimer.
    The latter declared that “the nature-nurture debate is over”, and
    introduced three laws of behavioral genetics to prove it. They are
    extremely interesting findings, and in another context, I would
    consider myself enriched after learning of them. The first law (as
    presented by Pinker in “The Blank Slate”) is: “All human behavioral
    traits are heritable.” (By “heritable”, it is meant: “the proportion
    of variance in a trait that correlates with genetic differences”; by
    “behavioral trait”, “a stable property of a person”, which can be
    measured either by standardized psych tests, or by direct testing.)
    Unfortunately, the first law, as stated, is exactly and explicitly the
    opposite of what the author means, and so stated, it is the opposite
    of the truth. Pinker writes two pages later: “Concrete behavioral
    traits that patently depend on content provided by the home or culture
    are, of course, not heritable at all”. Thus, some behavioral traits
    are not heritable. Thus, Pinker admits that the first law is
    “a bit of an exaggeration”. But one wonders: what for? Why bother
    exaggerating? It would only take one measely qualifier in the first
    law to make it totally accurate. And it seems curiouser and curiouser
    that Pinker would, another three pages later, write: “More
    pernicious is the way that the First Law is commonly interpreted [by
    leftist critics]: “So you’re saying it’s all in the genes,” or, more
    angrily, “Genetic determinism!” I have already commented on this odd
    reflex in modern intellectual life: when it comes to genes, people
    suddenly lose their ability to distinguish 50 percent from 100
    percent, “some” from “all”…

    I hope I don’t need to show how ironic his critiques are in context.
    The first law, again, is “All human behavioral traits are
    heritable”. Pinker agrees that this is wrong. He then chastizes people
    who correctly interpret it as wrong, and wags his finger saying that
    they’ve confused their quantifiers. Meanwhile, that’s exactly what he
    has done; their interpretation of genetic determinism is totally
    correct if you look at the law alone. And none of it is mitigated by
    any special use of terms within the law (as I laid out their meaning
    in context). Turkheimer simply declares an absurdity and defends a
    related, but different, claim, and Pinker has his back.

    C. Intelligent design.

    Among scientists, the most tendentious recent example of sophistic
    rhetoric is that used in the Intelligent Design debate. I must confess
    from the outset that, to the extent that we care about metaphysics,
    the theory of I.D. seems well within the confines of a minimally
    plausible explanation, simply because it makes a theory which is
    consistent with (though not supported by) empirical
    data. I.D. is rightly at the margins of acceptable scientific
    explanation because it borrows too much from what we can’t observe.
    This is a perfectly good reason why mainstream scientists tend to fall
    short of lending it scientific credence. So I.D. makes for bad
    science, in the sense that it is merely consistent with evidence and
    not supported by it. But it doesn’t necessarily make for a bad
    explanation, and thus to be dismissed out of hand.

    No doubt, the informed reader will say: “Who cares? Most of those who
    speak up on this matter, don’t want to ban I.D. from all discussion.
    They want to show how it makes for bad science.” But the relevance of
    this point can be shown by comparing it to ideas more congenial to the
    modern scholarly consensus, but similarly lacking in justification.
    That is, I presently have as much reason, empirically, to believe in
    gravitons as I do to believe in the interventions of any gods. To
    postulate either is to create a neat picture of the universe, with
    clear causes and clear effects. In neither case have we got any direct
    evidence, but both provide enough theoretical implications for a
    minimally satisfying explanation, albeit not a convincing or
    scientific one. And an appeal to an in principle difference between
    the existence of gravitons and God rings hollow. To say that the
    existence of the graviton is falsifiable in theory, while the
    existence of God is not, is to come to the table with a number of
    preconceptions about the latter which aren’t necessarily true. All
    kinds of unlikely thought-experiments might be made to prove the
    existence of God — for instance, one might go back in time to before
    the Big Bang (if that’s even coherant), and see it create the
    universe. Sure, this will probably never happen, but it defeats a
    “possible in principle” argument.

    Moreover, the I.D. advocates are far from being unique in flying
    through science by the seat of their pants. Certain researchers in string
    theory
    may be imitating the I.D. technique, going far and away
    beyond what a reasonable, informed, and disinterested observer could
    claim. Cue Peter Woit: “I would argue that a good first step would be
    for string theorists to acknowledge publicly the problems and cease
    their tireless efforts to sell this questionable theory to secondary
    school teachers, science reporters and program officers”.

    Perhaps the reader will not be able to stomach my last few paragraphs.
    If it seems like too much to bear, then that is your due. But all I
    meant to suggest in this illustration is to show that respectable and
    sincere arguments can be quite bold, and in their boldness, make use
    of sophibole. Moreover, sophibole is used for clear strategic
    purposes. We must infer that the scientist-cum-sophist genuinely
    believes that their bold conclusions are apt to be persuasive.

    The net effect is to obscure our understanding of the role which
    metaphysical explanations have in the scientific enterprise. I’m not
    sure whether this is intentional or not.

    None of this is to indicate that these thinkers misunderstand science.
    Nor is it necessarily to accuse any of them of misconduct. If there is
    a difference between these folks and the discredited professionals we
    met earlier, and if my epistemic bearings are well adjusted, then the
    claims of these persons must involve the difference between words and
    deeds. That, finally, leads to the set of questions I wonder about:

    1. Do scientists need sophistry? If so, why?

    2. What are the consequences of being prudent? What would the world be
    like today if probabilistic views of science had been adopted by the
    canonical figures of the scientific revolution?

    III.

    A. Intellectual territory.

    At first blush, the claim that scientists need to disseminate
    sophiboles seems like madness. A case can be made to say that
    scientists do not need to use sophistic rhetoric, nor do philosophers.
    Rather, it is the process of reasoning and of science itself which
    must be properly understood, regardless of the particular conclusions
    which either reach. The point of a third culture should be to
    popularize a method (or small set of methods) which were designed to
    make powerful inquiries about life and the world, not about how the
    particular results of some particular experiment are disseminated. It
    is not to put forward bold conclusions as if they were indisputable.

    But, as attractive as that opinion may be, it doesn’t approach some
    lingering worries about culture and society. Humans are cultural
    animals, and scientists are humans. Scientists, as humans, seem to
    need to interest themselves in the world that they live. And the
    consequences of disengagement with the wider world could marginalize
    the very institutions of science themselves.

    There are a few ways to make this argument.

    First, I might mention the politico-economic argument, which tells us
    that it is important to have the academic institution legitimized in
    the popular mind in order to have political and economic opportunities
    (i.e., increased funding, grants, etc.)

    Second, I might also mention the progressive impulse, which tells us
    that an increase in scientific competence in the layman public will
    compel innovation within the research industry in order to stay
    relevant. Powerful arguments can be made for both, and neither seem to
    be furthered by sophistry. But these arguments are beyond my purpose
    here.

    A third way, what we might call the “cultural argument”, relies upon a
    certain, perhaps naive, vision of the scientist. I take it that
    scientists (or at least, the stereotypical scientist) care a great
    deal about the content of the material they study. [Of course, this
    can be nitpicked. The scientist is human, situated in a certain social
    framework, and whose perceptions and motives are both potentially
    fallible and flawed, and may be imperfect in their reasonings. But
    none of this impugnes a mere method, and so, all of it has an air of
    ho-hum to it.]

    So it feels intrinsically valuable to have certain knowledge (or at
    least, well-justified beliefs). Indeed, closeness to certain objects
    of experience naturally creates a sense of ownership or entitlement
    over those things. Just as people come to love their home after living
    in it a while
    , they may become more attached to certain ideas and
    facts as their studies progress. This or that fact becomes a miniature
    shrine, so to speak. Indeed, a summary of the history of scientific
    development could be described in its entirety as a story of finding
    wonder in simple things which had previously seemed dull. In the realm
    of intellectual property, we can specifically point out that
    intelligibility and understanding of some propositions will produce a
    sense of ownership over them.

    The distinction between a sense of ownership and actual ownership is
    the distinction we might make between territory and property.
    Territory is the subjective sense of proprietorship over some ideas or
    land which arises out of want; while property is baptized into
    legitimacy by recognition from others. [This distinction is not novel;
    Samuel von Pufendorf’s distinction between positive / negative
    community approaches something of the point. But the terminology may
    be new, so it’s worth noting here.]

    For those who hold their discoveries as things of intrinsic value, it
    may follow that, to an extent, the ignorance, neglect, and apathy
    toward these facts and ideas among the body of laymen may motivate
    those in the research industry to spread the wealth of knowledge. If
    we take seriously the idea that intelligibility begets a sense of
    ownership, of territoriality, then it follows that, as more people
    understand certain scientific or philosophical facts, the more that
    these facts belong to a culture’s storehouse of ideas, their
    intellectual territory. [I deliberately avoid using the term “meme”
    because its formulations presently seem incoherant. Still, it may help
    to think of intellectual territory as the relationship between a
    culture and its memes.]

    In such cases, the best scientists would seem to favor the conclusions
    of the method, up and beyond the method itself. The expression and
    dissemination of content becomes more important than the way of
    epistemic prudence over the strength of the claims.

    This view is not hard to find in print when it comes to ommissions of
    morals and reason, and not just of science. In reference to editorial
    handling of a recent court ruling on the Bush administration’s abuses
    of power, Glenn
    Greenwald
    writes: “…not everything has two or more sides.
    Some issues are complicated, but some are not. And some dangers are
    profound and grave enough that putting a stop to them is infinitely
    more important than engaging in fun, intellectual games designed to
    show how serious and studious and intellectually dexterous one is.
    Sometimes, the “destination” matters more than the soul-searching,
    intellectually impressive “journey.””
    This is just to say that,
    a) when words have consequences, we choose them carefully; and b)
    sometimes someone just makes arguments that are lousy, and aren’t to
    be taken seriously. Our present purpose is to wonder about those cases
    where people are motivated more by a) than by b).

    B. Galileo revisited.

    To what extent do these case studies exaggerate in order to spark true
    thoughts in the wider culture? It may be the case that they engage in
    sophibole because they have no alternative — that popular culture
    demands insistence and boldness because certain techniques are more
    persuasive than others. It then behooves us to wonder what the
    consequences would have been if they had done otherwise.

    To predict the range of alternatives they had available to them, we
    should pay attention to the work of social psychologists. According to
    what Michener et al. call the “communication-persuasion paradigm”,
    certain factors will tend to have strong effect upon whether or not a
    particular person is persuaded of some message. The CP paradigm tells
    us that, for any speaker who has a strongly argued but shocking
    viewpoint to impart, those listeners will be more likely to be
    persuaded of the message if:

    • the speaker is a recognized and credible expert;
    • if it is against the speaker’s own interests to spread the message;
    • if the speaker seems trustworthy to the listener because
      they share similar identities;

    • if the beliefs of the speaker are supported by those of other
      (independent) sources
      ;

    • that failure to heed the message will result in bad (but avoidable)
      consequences, thus provoking moderate fear in the listeners;

    • and that the message is unequivocally one-sided and clear
      (for those who are disinterested / uninvolved), or two-sided and
      well-reasoned (for those who are interested and involved).

    Let’s evaluate the case of Galileo, to see how it fares under the CP paradigm.

    1. Galileo’s findings were not always taken directly to heart. Tycho
    Brahe, for instance, attempted to infuse Galileo’s observations into a
    geocentric model. Nevertheless, he was a respected scholar and
    scientist, and by 1609 had been offered lucrative
    academic positions
    . So he had credibility, at least at the
    beginning.

    2. It was clearly against Galileo’s interests to speak and publicize
    the truth, if only because it was politically unpopular.

    3. Was Galileo originally considered to be a good Catholic, and
    therefore, trustworthy? It seems so, since he was granted a meeting
    with Pope Paul V in 1611; and one must doubt that the pope would grant
    audience with an enemy of the church. Of course, in the subsequent
    years, all manner of mudslinging would be done against Galileo, but
    what matters here is that he was not originally considered a heretic
    out of hand.

    4. Despite well-known historical differences, Galileo’s heliocentric
    findings were famously supported by Johannes Kepler, and were to a
    large degree consistent with those of Nicholas Copernicus. The opinion
    was hardly unanymous, but he was not the sole voice in the wilderness.

    5. Galileo felt that there were no divine consequences to his
    conclusions. He wrote: “…since the Holy Spirit did not intend to
    teach us whether heaven moves or stands still… then so much the less
    was it intended to settle for us any other conclusion of the same
    kind… Now if the Holy Spirit has purposely neglected to teach us
    propositions of this sort as irrelevant to the highest goal (that is,
    to our salvation), how can anyone affirm that it is obligatory to take
    sides on them…?” [Galileo (1615), quoted in Stillman Drake’s
    “Discoveries and Opinions of Galileo” (1957), pp. 185-186.] This is
    not to say that he thought there were no secular consequences,
    however.

    6. His message was powerfully argued, almost uniquely so. Copernicus’s
    theory was not disseminated until Andreas Osiander oversaw the
    publishing of “On the Revolution of the Celestial Orbs” and
    anonymously wrote a preface, accompanied by the most tentative
    language and reassurances that it was mere hypothesis. Galileo, by
    contrast, used unbending language to describe his discoveries.
    Moreover, though in the “Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World
    Systems” he lives up to the title by providing arguments for both
    sides, a bias toward the heliocentric side is evident.

    Many of the model’s expectations for the manner of a persuasive
    argument are satisfied in the Galileo case. The only clear exception
    is (5), where Galileo appealed, not to fear concerning divine
    consequences, but to good sense. It shows us that the conclusions (as
    with most scholarly matters) were not immediately taken to be worthy
    of creating popular resistence — this may be in part due to lack of
    popular involvement with the subject at all.

    (6) is borderline, and also the locus of our interest. It shows us
    that Galileo was trying to appeal to the sense of reason in persons,
    to at least the extent that he expected persons to choose between two
    rival opinions on the basis of argument, not mere sentiment. The
    appeal to reason is best helped along if the target is presumed to be
    highly involved in the results of the inquiry, and thus, willing to
    expend the mental effort to think things through. But the case for
    this seems weak, considering Galileo’s arguments against the relevance
    of heliocentrism to matters of the divine (see 5), and thus, to
    unintentionally discourage the layman to care about the matter.

    Still, as mentioned, it was the forcefulness of Galileo’s argument
    which inspires our interest. And though Galileo presented both sides
    of the argument, the heliocentric thrust of the argument is strongly
    evident. His demeanor has been characterized in other respects as
    well. George Sim Johnston opined:
    “Galileo was intent on ramming Copernicus down the throat of
    Christendom” by use of a “caustic manner and aggressive tactics”…
    Galileo’s attempt to popularize heliocentrism “would never have ended
    in the offices of the Inquisition had Galileo possessed a modicum of
    discretion, not to mention charity. But he was not a tactful person;
    he loved to score off people and make them look ridiculous.” I don’t
    know how accurate these propositions are, but it seems at least
    plausible to see that Galileo was interested in getting his message
    disseminated.

    If I may engage in a bit of speculation, it may be that the CP-model
    misses out on an essential factor in this case. It may be the case
    that Galileo was intentionally engaging in self-martyrdom in order to
    popularize his message. Persecution of Galileo would not exactly have
    inspired fear in the wider populace, but it would have provoked their
    interest, not through fear, but through sympathy. This might explain
    why he would have felt and expected people to read and understand a
    two-sided argument: they were more interested, and so, would
    investigate the matter more carefully. This is a dangerous road to
    travel, as likely to produce sentimental response and knee-jerk
    reaction among people than genuine interest. But it would at least
    provide that intellectual minority who were capable of interest and
    investigation into these matters with the option to give a damn.

    IV.

    It’s tempting to view the question, “Do scientists need sophistry?”,
    in terms of what communicative goals they’re setting for themselves.
    If fostering reason and science are our goals, we might want to stick
    to prudent remarks. If, on the other hand, disseminating particular
    scientific conclusions are our goals, we might easily say that
    boldness arrests the attention far more easily, whatever the
    subsequent consequences upon the speaker may be.

    This, at last, seems to be a sensible answer to our first question.
    The scientist as scientist needs no sophistry; the scientist as
    cultural animal does. I can arrive at this general rule with only one
    caveat. The arresting interest in certain conclusions may provoke
    curiosity into the method by which those conclusions are reached, and
    so provoke interest from bold-thinking individuals into the method
    itself. This is a flimsy sort of side-effect, though, since an
    audience of the bold and the irritable will only have an impact on
    those prone to boldness and irritability.

    What about our second question? What would the consequences have been
    if Galileo had stuck to a logical line? It would seem that the
    discovery would have been continued to be owned by the establishment.
    By forcing his conclusions with certitude, he made the debate
    intelligible to the public, and thus gave them a sense of ownership,
    expanding their intellectual territory.

    In sum, use of the sophibole would increase the interested public’s
    intellectual territory. The cost is the loss of professional
    integrity, not to mention gross alienation. I feel uneasy to conclude
    by noting that altruism can sometimes be accomplished by use of lies.
    These are words that would make Leo Strauss proud. I can only hope
    that I am wrong; though for the moment, I cannot see how.

  • Poseurs of the World Unite

    It’s not every day that you come across an article such as ‘Deconstructing the evidence-based discourse in health sciences: truth, power and fascism’, which appears in the current issue of the International Journal of Evidence Based Healthcare. No. This is something special.

    The article has already taken a rather good (though comparatively gentle) shellacking from Ben Goldacre, he of ‘Bad Science’ fame. Goldacre makes some very trenchant points
    regarding the authors’ casual linking of the professional legacy of Archie Cochrane, a veteran of the Spanish Civil War, with ‘fascism’. He also ably defends the notion of evidence-based investigation, which, for various reasons, the authors of this ‘scholarly article’ see as an agent of creeping ‘totalitarianism’ affecting the health sciences. (I would have thought that any discipline calling itself a ‘science’ – whether in the singular or plural – would by definition be based on both evidence and reason, but I may thus be showing symptoms of what comrades of an earlier time might have called ‘deviationism’).

    There are, as Goldacre points out, a variety of reasons not to like this article. Some take us beyond the article itself, which is, after all, only a single example of a much wider phenomenon: the alarming spread of irrational and sloppy thinking. These reasons make this article worth discussing at some length.

    However, my perspective on the article is necessarily different than Goldacre’s. I do not have a science degree (nor am I in the medical or health sciences field). I am, in fact, one of those beings much maligned by Goldacre: a humanities graduate. (He has, however, made clear that his grievance is not with the humanities as such, but simply with its more irrational extremes.) As such, I went through the ritual bathing in postmodern theory which is part of the process of receiving a modern liberal arts doctorate. I have, in fact, made use of the dreaded Foucault’s theories in my book on violence. I can use the word ‘discourse’ correctly in a sentence and can do so without either needing to be ironic or breaking out into laughter. Moreover, I perceive myself to be, in a phrase that for some reason suddenly strikes me as quaint, ‘on the left’ – where I presume the authors of the article in question would also locate themselves. Thus, in theory (so to speak), I should be eating up the utterances of the doctors (and near doctor) Holmes, Murray, Perron and Rail. They are, so to say, my sort of people.

    It is perhaps for this reason that what they have produced bothers me so much. The frustration and rage which results from being let down by your own side is something with a very distinctive and special kind of sting. You feel it at times such as when Michael Moore depicts Iraq under Saddam Hussein as a happy and prosperous fun park or when prominent writers and thinkers offer ‘solidarity and support’ to a viciously anti-Semitic terrorist organisation which they see as a ‘resistance’. Perhaps for this reason, this strange little screed has lodged itself in my mind and won’t let me go, because it seems to exemplify things which have gone wrong not only on the left but also in the realm of cultural theory. And this, I think, is the crux of my irritation with it. In its incoherent ravings about totalitarianism, it discredits two things dear not only to my heart, but to my mind: the scholarly analysis of society and culture as well as the intellectual honour of the left.

    It is, thus, an intellectual own goal of the worst sort. Hence, my irritation and need to waste my time writing about it.

    The argument of this weird rant, such as it is, seems to be that something referred to as the ‘evidence based movement in the health sciences’ is ‘outrageously exclusionary’ and ‘dangerously normative’. Not only that, but the evidence based health sciences (EBHS) has, in fact, become a ‘dominant ideology’ which has come to exclude ‘other’ forms of knowledge. Now, again, I’m not in the health sciences field, so, therefore, my own knowledge of this topic is admittedly limited. However, as very little time is spent in the article actually talking about health sciences, this might not matter much.

    I’ll have to rely, first, on their own definition of the scourge we all face:

    As a global term, EBHS…reflects clinical practice based on scientific inquiry. The premise is that if healthcare professionals perform an action, there should be evidence that the action will produce the desired outcomes. These outcomes are desirable because they are believed to be beneficial to patients. (181)

    What follows is some description of the ‘Cochrane Collaboration’, an organisation which has gathered and organised research materials on health issues as a resource for health-care professionals. In particular, Cochrane argues that articles must be based upon ‘randomised controlled trials’ (RCTs). (According to Goldacre’s commentary, their depiction at this point is terribly incomplete and ignorant, something about which I can’t speak, but he does.)

    The problem as the authors seem to see it is this: EBHS (with its reliance on RCTs as the ‘gold-standard’ in evidence) has become canonised as the only form of ‘truth’ in the health sciences. The authors believe, in contrast, that ‘the health sciences ought to promote pluralism – the acceptance of multiple points of view’ (181). Additionally, EBHS is being used as a handy tool for cuts in healthcare funding, since it serves the setting of ‘goals’ and ‘targets’. (Goals and targets: I can feel the chills going down my spine already.)

    I think that one can follow things fairly reasonably to this point. There is a methodology, which they think is wrong and which is increasingly dominating the health field. It is being employed to cut healthcare funding. OK. Leaving aside the whole fascism label, one might say: interesting start.

    Assuming, then, that these are the problems to be addressed, I would have thought a good way forward would have been 1) to explain what other methodologies there are and why they are equal (or even superior) to evidence-based evaluation and 2) to provide an analysis of the financial and political power struggles over healthcare funding.

    But this is where things begin to get a bit…bizarre. (I suppose one could say that they were already quite bizarre in the introduction, where that whole goofy bit about fascism was first brought up, but I don’t want to talk about that yet, so bear with me.) Having built up the problem to one of ‘fascism’ and having described this ‘dangerous’ hegemonic beast, what is the solution which they present? Mass political organising? Legal action to provide equal consideration of other methods of health-knowledge production? Going to the press? Taking to the barricades? No. The answer to the clear and present danger of fascism seems to be…wait for it…deconstruction

    Now, ‘deconstruction’ has been subject to all kinds of abuse. Some of it deserved, some of it less so. There are many who think that deconstruction is just a stupid joke played by wacky French theorists on a gullible Anglophone world and who see it as the main culprit in turning the humanities into a factory for unbelievable quantities of unreadable, jargon-ridden nonsense. (Its critics might be surprised to find that some of the people who think this are actually inside the fields of literary and cultural studies, but it’s true.) I have to admit: if my only exposure to deconstruction were articles such as this one, I’d hate it too. Suffice to say – in order to spare a much longer argument – there are better examples of deconstruction in action in other places, by other authors. I think, moreover, that most of its practitioners are content to see it as a useful means of analysing texts without immediately taking it up as a wonder-weapon for undermining the various sinister conspiracies of the world. It is a tool, among others; it is helpful in some cases but not in others.

    A screwdriver is a great tool too, but you can’t build a whole house with it.

    There is, furthermore, quite a lot to be said for the broader notion of ‘discourse’ (as in culturally-shaped and historically-specific ways of thinking about the world structured by local power structures and circumstances). Some form of ‘social constructionism’ seems only sensible to me when trying to analyse many elements of human societies: people understand their worlds through particular narratives about it, and these narratives are both culturally and historically specific. The ways that people in 17th century Europe or 19th century China or 21st century Baghdad define their values and the basic parameters in which their morality is shaped are different. This doesn’t mean that the truth claims these discourses make about reality are equal, but I does mean that culture, to put it simply, matters. Furthermore, science is a discourse (more on this below), and it is undeniable that ‘scientific’ discourses have been misused (both in the past and in the present) to justify all sorts of unpleasant things. There is also a way in which poorly grounded appeals to ‘science’ are wrongly used to trump all other arguments without sufficient attention to the assumptions which underlie them. Finally, science does not have the answer to everything.

    I think all these things are true. And yet, I think this article is nonsense. Why? There are four parts to answering this question.

    One: Regardless of what Deleuze and Guattari say, ‘fascism’ is not an all-purpose word for ‘Anything Which is Really, Really Bad’.

    ‘Fascism’ – as a label – is experiencing a real renaissance lately. Usually for the wrong reasons. It does seem that the authors at least spent a little time thinking about using this term. As their opening line states: ‘We can already hear the objections’. Well, they should have listened a bit more closely…and then left out their nifty turn of phrase. Of course, they don’t mean that EBHS is really like the fascism which comes to mind when you hear the term (you know, like, they don’t suggest that epidemiologists are going on torchlight parades, committing genocide and engaging in total war). No, they don’t think that. But what do they think?

    It comes right at the beginning, wrapped in what I suppose they imagine to be a rather clever and perhaps even playful postmodern word game:

    Although it is associated with specific political systems, this fascism of the masses, as was practiced by Hitler and Mussolini, has today been replaced by a system of microfascisms – polymorphous intolerances that are revealed in more subtle ways. Consequently, although the majority of the current manifestations of fascism are less brutal, they are nevertheless more pernicious. (180, emphasis added)

    Let’s consider this supposed clarification. My dictionary defines ‘pernicious’ as 1) ‘tending to cause death or serious injury; deadly’ 2) ‘causing great harm; destructive’, or 3) (archaically) as ‘evil ; wicked’. Thus, we are not more than a hundred words or so into this article and we’ve already been told that the topic they are to be discussing – which, remember, is using evidence to evaluate the effectiveness of health-care procedures – is an example of a phenomenon which is ‘more pernicious’ than the fascism of Mussolini and Hitler. (While we’re at it, why not throw in Franco: why ‘privilege’ only the best-known and most commonly cited fascists? How dare they be so normative about fascist crackpots!)

    I have to say this again: think about this. Think about it.

    Now, if someone makes this sort of claim, it is only fair for to expect it to be, shall we say, corroborated. (What, in any case, does that mean, exactly: ‘less brutal’ but ‘more pernicious’?) After all, one’s expectations get rather seriously raised when one is promised something more pernicious than street battles, the SS, the death camps and tens of millions of war dead.

    How disappointing, then, that what follows is actually an intra-disciplinary spat about measuring effectiveness in healthcare.

    There is, of course, a very clear reason for using this kind of language. It does, certainly, get attention. (Responses such as this, admittedly, may simply enable this hunger for attention. I apologise for that, but I had difficulties broadcasting a sufficiently hostile wall of silence in their direction. An article was the second best choice.)

    More than merely generating interest, though, such florid prose also sets the stage for a massive dose of self-aggrandizement of this variety:

    Critical intellectuals should work towards the creation of a space of freedom (of thought), and as such, they constitute a concrete threat to the current scientific order in EBHS and the health sciences as a whole. It is fair to assert that the critical intellectuals are at ‘war’ with those who have no regards other than for an evidence-based logic. The war metaphor speaks to the ‘critical and theoretical revolt’ that is needed to disrupt and resist the fascist order of scientific knowledge development. (185) (Emphasis, emphatically, in original)

    Apparently the authors see themselves as part of this critical intellectual project. Rather than doing what other health researchers do – which, I presume, means finding ways of improving healthcare – the authors instead imagine themselves engaged in a much more exhilarating activity: fomenting (metaphorical) revolution. From their university desks, they can work toward creating ‘spaces of freedom’, they can take part in ‘revolt’, they can even engage in ‘war’. Oh, how the heart pounds with adrenalin.

    Two: Specifics are always helpful.

    Having set off for war with much fanfare, however, the authors launch their attack on evidence based health sciences without actually confronting them directly. They make much of EBHS (or sometimes EBM – ‘Evidence-based medicine’, but the difference is never really made clear) as a ‘regime of truth’ which is based on ‘a strange process of eliminating some ways of knowing’ (181). Two problems seem apparent. First, the process in question does not seem to so much ‘eliminate’ some ways of knowing as to evaluate the effectiveness of all variety of treatments based upon a clear (not a ‘strange’) set of criteria. Second, the authors never specifically identify (not once!) the other ‘ways of knowing’ which might be equal or superior to EBHS for the purpose of finding out the effectiveness of particular medical treatments or procedures. All they do is go on about ‘pluralism’ of ways of knowing, without suggesting what they might be. (‘Do they mean voodoo?’ asked my wife when I read parts of this article to her. To be honest, my admittedly non-specialist reading would suggest that they do in fact mean voodoo. Or, if they don’t, their approach would deny them any coherent reason for excluding voodoo, faith healing, crystal-energy or any other variety of charlatanism as part of a the ‘pluralist’ health science regime they seem to recommend.)

    What is ‘strange’, if anything, is not EBHS’s process of eliminating demonstrably ineffective medicine (or, at least not demonstrably effective medicine), but rather the authors’ attempt to attack EBHS without ever presenting a single specific instance of how this allegedly sinister, hegemonic means of knowledge production actually comes up short. If it were so all-pervasive and malevolent, then one would think that there’s got to be gobs of evidence for this lying about. Nonetheless, in this article, the procedures of EBHS are never critiqued in terms of any clear criteria which could replace it. The only ‘evidence’ presented that there might be something wrong with EBHS consists of a lot of quotes from a handful of writers and theorists – none of whom were medical scientists – and a discussion of a well-known novel. (This arduous ‘research’ was funded by the Research Council of Canada: life is hard under fascism, isn’t it?)

    I suppose presenting evidence to back up their arguments would be too…well, evidence-based, wouldn’t it?

    Nonetheless, say it with me: something is not true simply because Foucault, Deleuze or Guattari (or Einstein or Newton for that matter) say it is true. Now, repeat ten times.

    I have, of course, myself quoted theorists – it goes with the territory – but it is normally because they express something in a very effective or thought-provoking way. However, such statements are not evidence in themselves (or, at least, they are not evidence of anything more than that the person in question said them). Foucault, for instance, said some very sensible and important things. He also, at times, talked a lot of rubbish. So it is with prolific thinkers.

    As to George Orwell…I don’t even know where to begin regarding their (mis)use of 1984. The authors, for instance, seem to be very pleased with themselves about having discovered ‘Newspeak’, and they go on about it at length (the better part of a page in a seven page article). But while I can discern that they think something similar to Newspeak is now infecting the health sciences field, they seem to miss an important point: in the novel, Newspeak is implemented by a totalitarian state which almost completely controls it population through a variety of other means as well. It is, additionally, a novel, and (however good it is) it is not evidence – in any way – of the points they’re trying to make.

    But still, they drone on:

    …[A]fter an in-depth reading of 1984, we feel that Orwell’s vision is gradually becoming a reality. Currently, a large number of scholars in the health sciences follow their colleagues in medicine down a narrow path leading to uniformity and intolerance. There is therefore in our opinion, the creation and advancement of a new ‘language’ that is supplanting all others, attempting to discredit or to eliminate them from the discursive terrain of health. This is scientific Newspeak. It is a highly normative and recalcitrant scientific language that stands in opposition to that sense of hope that sustains every freedom-loving individual. (184)

    Yes. Things must be looking very grim indeed in Ottawa these days. Of course, it’s not as if there hasn’t always been a lot of all-too-flippant use of the novel. Some CCTV cameras appear in a train station and the more sensitive among us declare we’re living in a totalitarian state. This is another long digression in the making, but, briefly, I just don’t believe that bit about the ‘in-depth’ reading. Really, I don’t, since this is one of the most shallow readings of the novel I’ve ever seen in print. (Peer-review is just not what it used to be.) And I think that Orwell – who took rationality, clear thinking and language all very seriously – would be most pissed off to hear his ‘vision’, his totalitarian nightmare, reduced to something like this.

    Along with being someone who went off to fight a frightfully real (and hierarchalising and normativising) version of fascism, Orwell also had quite a few things to say about the malevolent and thought-killing force of jargon and cliché in writing. Lessons the authors could well do with considering. The essay is ‘Politics and the English Language’.

    Three: Knowledge is power…but that’s a good thing, isn’t it

    The authors make what is sadly a common assumption in postmodern writing about science. That is that scientists, rather than primarily being interested in investigating diseases, developing medicines, peering into the universe, cataloguing new species of butterflies or whatever, are mainly propping up some kind of illegitimate, oppressive political regime. I mean, I think we can be all grown-up enough to avoid idealising ‘science’ as always merely describing the activity of spotlessly moral people engaged in the disinterested pursuit of truth. But the scientific method and reason, I think one would have to say, are about the best means this clever sort of primate has come up with for understanding its world. They have, ultimately, led to astounding improvements (and, yes, some very real new-fangled problems) in human life.

    Furthermore, there is nothing inherently contradictory between some versions of social constructionism and science. After all, recognising that all ways of knowing are ‘discourses’ is not the same as the relativist claim that all discourses are equally valid. For some purposes, certain ways of knowing are better than others. Sometimes far better. This is something the authors seem to deny, however. Ignoring the possibility that EBHS is becoming dominant because it is better (again, it’s not my field, but even as an outsider, it seems clear that this possibility is likely), they see it simply as part of an imperialist (‘colonising’) intellectual power-grab.

    The solution for the ‘problem’ they’ve invented is this:

    A starting point for health sciences would be to promote the multiplicity of what Foucault describes as subjugated forms of knowledge (savoirs assujettis): these forms of knowledge are ways of understanding the world that are ‘disqualified as non-conceptual knowledges, as insufficiently elaborated knowledges: naïve knowledges, hierarchically inferior knowledges, [and] knowledges that are below the required level of erudition or scientificity’ (p. 7). These forms of knowledge arise from below, as it were, in contradistinction to the top-down approach that characterises the hegemonic thrust of EBHS. For Foucault, a subjugated knowledge is not the same thing as ‘common sense’. Instead, it is ‘a particular knowledge, a knowledge that is local, regional, or differential’ (pp. 7-8). (183)

    Now, I think there’s all kind of value (and sweet sugary goodness) in many forms of diversity and ‘pluralism’. But there are times when I don’t have so much of a problem with a hierarchy of discourses. One of them is when I’m being operated upon. In that circumstance, I want one ‘particular’, proven and – give it to me – evidence-based discourse to be appealed to by the person who cuts me open.

    If it is effective, I do not mind – in fact I demand – that it become hegemonic.

    Whatever the ubiquity of discourses, the idea that they are all equal is a profoundly stupid and obviously false one. Richard Dawkins put it most famously, correctly and pithily (originally in River Out of Eden, but the version I have is in The Devil’s Chaplain):

    Show me a cultural relativist at 30,000 feet and I’ll show you a hypocrite…If you are flying to an international congress of anthropologists or literary critics, the reason you will probably get there – the reason you don’t plummet into a ploughed field – is that a lot of Western scientifically trained engineers have got their sums right. (18)

    But the attitude of the authors of this article reflects a peculiar and long-extant postmodern obsession with ‘pluralism’, regardless of whether it is really appropriate in a certain context. Indeed, they are positively absolutist on the issue of pluralism. A decade ago, Terry Eagleton took this particular issue up in his book The Illusions of Postmodernism. He noted that postmodern theorists

    would seem to imagine that difference, variability and heterogeneity are ‘absolute’ goods, and it is a position I have long held myself. It has always struck me as unduly impoverishing of British social life that we can muster a mere two or three fascist parties. [Note: Eagleton, like Orwell before him, is referring to the real kind of fascism, not its allegedly more pernicious and polymorphously intolerant micro-variety.] We also seem stuck with far too few social classes, whereas if the postmodern imperative to multiply differences were to be taken literally we should strive to breed as many more of them as we could, say two or three new bourgeoisies and a fresh clutch of landowning aristocracies.

    The opinion that plurality is a good in itself is emptily formalistic and alarmingly unhistorical. (127)

    I think that this is something that Foucault himself – who was interested in history even if he was at times a rather bad historian – would have understood. While Foucault very often focused on the dominance which some discourses achieved without having any more essential truth value than others (so, simply as a result of social power), I don’t think there’s anything in what I’ve read by him which suggests that he thought there is no way of evaluating discourses based on their correspondence with reality. (And if he did say this, he was wrong on that point.) He might often, for instance, have condemned the ways in which hierarchies were formed; however, seeing hierarchies themselves as a bad thing is quite another step, and one which, I think, he did not make.

    Furthermore, without intellectual hierarchies (though alternative ones), and without norms (though different ones) what tools does a ‘resistance’ have?

    Any effective political movement has always understood this. Which brings me to my final point.

    Four: Fighting pretend problems with pretend politics.

    There is an assumption often made that this kind of postmodernist thinking is in some way specifically ‘left-wing’ or radical. This is a mistake. What makes it difficult to recognise as such is that it is a mistake which is often made by the same people who put this sort of thing forward. They seem to think they are radical. But beyond throwing around some ill-judged and hard-to-digest verbiage, what political relevance do their arguments have? I mean, the authors of this article seem to think that deconstruction is the primary weapon against the fascist menace they depict. This point, too deserves some consideration.

    If it were true that the problem we face is fascism, I would suggest that deconstruction is not exactly going to help us much. Fascism is physically violent and scary. Deconstruction – whatever its merits – is…a method of textual analysis. Outside of a text, it’s not going to protect you. Staring down real fascism requires other means.

    Woody Allen made this point far more amusingly long ago. In his film Manhattan, the following discussion takes place among a group of intellectuals:

    Allen: Has anybody read that Nazis are gonna march in New Jersey, you know? I read this in the newspaper. We should go down there, get some guys together, you know, get some bricks and baseball bats and really explain things to ’em.
    Man: There was this devastating satirical piece on that on the op-ed page of the Times. It is devastating.
    Allen: Well, well, a satirical piece in the Times is one thing, but bricks and baseball bats really gets right to the point, I think.
    Woman: Oh, but really biting satire is always better than physical force.
    Allen: No, physical force is always better with Nazis, ’cause it’s hard to satirize a guy with shiny boots.

    Fortunately, as I think is clear, we are not facing a real fascist crisis in the health services. Perhaps even the authors would agree. They might say that the fascism they identify is purely metaphorical. To which I would respond: given the variety of problems facing the world today (including the very real problem of effectively managing healthcare systems), is pursuing a metaphorical revolt against a metaphorical fascism really the most productive way of spending one’s time?

    Nevertheless, with breathtaking self-regard, they cite Hannah Arendt’s Human Condition for guidance to ‘combat totalitarianism’. (I mean, think what you will about Arendt’s views on totalitarianism and whatever else, but at least she was writing about the real deal.) The stakes are indeed high, as the authors thunderously proclaim:

    When the pluralism of free speech is extinguished, speech as such is no longer meaningful; what follows is terror, a totalitarian violence. We must resist the totalitarian program – a program that collapses words and things, a program that thwarts all invention, a program that robs us of justice, of our meaningful place in the world, and of the future that is ours to forge together. (185)

    They are, indeed, people who will spare no sacrifice in facing down ‘totalitarian violence’. They have received their research funding. They have issued their call to arms (or at least their call to words). They are on the front lines of resistance to fascism (‘polymorphous intolerance’ division). And where is one of the key hot zones where this conflict being fought? Yes, you guessed it. In Ontario.

    Part of me can’t help thinking that if they’re so bored with their own field that they need to invent violent fantasies of fascism and resistance to make it interesting, they should perhaps choose a different profession.

    But not as writers. Please. No.

    J. Carter Wood is the author of Violence and Crime in Nineteenth-Century England: The Shadow of Our Refinement (Routledge, 2004). Although he is a research fellow at the Open University, the opinions he expresses here are his own. He does, however, hope that they are shared by more than a few other people. A slightly different version of this article originally appeared at his blog, Obscene Desserts.

  • Things CNN Will Never Tell You About Religion

    1. That there is no God.

    2. That you will not live forever.

    3. That Noah’s ark will never be found because it never existed.

    4. That Christianity began as a violent first century messianic sect which learned to cope peaceably when its messiah didn’t show up.

    5. That most fundamentalists are rather stupid, Muslims and Christians alike.

    6. That most evangelical Christians cannot describe what they mean by “inerrant” – speaking of the Bible.

    7. That the vast majority of Christians opposed to stem cell research think it means killing babies for their brains.

    8. That biblical Israel ceased to exist in 720 BC, lasted for less than two hundred years, and that modern Israel didn’t exist again until 1948.

    9. That virtually no Jews use the phrase ‘Judaeo-Christian’, applied to ethics or anything else.

    10. That Muhammad, a delusional first century Arab who thought the God of the Jews was speaking to him, was not a Muslim.

    11. That Jesus, a delusional first century Jew who, if he existed, thought that the God of Abraham was his father, was not a Christian.

    12. That most Arabs don’t like Palestinians.

    13. That religion is the cause and not the cure for Middle Eastern violence.

    14. That most Lebanese who are not Shi’a would rather be called Phoenicians than Arabs.

    15. That the intellectual tradition in Arabia that is supposed to have given us everything from astronomy to the Zero and algebra…didn’t.

    16. That not all religions are about peace, love and brotherhood—specifically, that the word Islam does not derive from the Arabic word peace but from the term for “Give up?”

    17. That the term Jihad historically has never meant an inner struggle for spiritual perfection but killing the enemies of Islam before they can hurt you.

    18. That almost no one in the Middle East believes that the future of the Middle East resides with “moderate” Muslims.

    19. That atheism, secular humanism, and agnosticism are essential ingredients of the pluralist culture of modern Europe and America.

    20. That when secularism and humanism fail, democracy fails.

    21. That religious tolerance is not possible in the Middle East.

    22. That unless the phrase ‘freedom and democracy’ includes the construct ‘secular’ neither term is meaningful.

    23. That prior to the war on Iraq, the American president did not know that Iraq was biblical Mesopotamia, Eden.

    24. That the American President thinks the distinction between Shi’a and Sunni is similar the distinction between Methodist and Presbyterian.

    25. That the new ‘democratic’ regime in Iraq – Iraqi Shi’a – and Not Syria or Iran, were the staunchest supporters of Hezbollah prior to the invasion of Iraq.

    26. That this means that the people we are calling the bulwark of freedom and democracy in Iraq are the terrorists of southern Lebanon.

    R. Joseph Hoffmann is currently senior fellow and Chair of the Committee for the Scientific Examination of Religion, at the Center for Inquiry, Amherst, New York. From 2000 until the break out of the war against Iraq, he was Professor of Civilization Studies at the American University Of Beirut.

  • Al-Guardian & the Brotherhood

    In his Guardian columns, Faisal Bodi, news editor of the Islam Channel TV station, has said many strange and wonderful things. In March, during the Abdul Rahman apostasy case, Bodi championed the orthodox punishment for those who leave the Religion of Peace™ – despite its being rather permanent and involving ritual murder: “It is an understandable response from people who cherish the religious basis of their societies to protect them… from the damage that an inferior worldview can wreak.” In a climate of cultural equivalence, it’s somewhat refreshing to hear a Guardian columnist openly refer to an “inferior worldview”. Though I suspect one might disagree with Bodi’s estimation of which worldview is less enlightened.

    Taken in isolation, Bodi’s advocacy of Islam Taliban-style might seem little more than an attempt to be contentious. But in matters of Islamist zeal, a remarkable pattern of endorsement runs throughout the Guardian’s commentary. It began, more or less, in January 2004, when the paper published a speech by Osama bin Laden in the form of a regular opinion piece, prompting waggish comments about the al-Qaeda figurehead being “recruited as a Guardian columnist”. Dubious humour aside, at least readers were clear about the author’s political affiliation. However, the Guardian has subsequently published no fewer than 14 opinion pieces by members of, or advocates of, the Muslim Brotherhood, the radical group whose militant ideas directly inspired bin Laden. Curiously, the commentators’ links with the group were not disclosed to readers.

    One recent example, a piece by the Brotherhood’s Egyptian vice-president, Khairat el-Shatir, is the first to acknowledge the writer’s membership of this illegal organisation. In Shatir’s article, titled ‘No Need to be Afraid of Us’, we were, improbably, told: “The success of the Muslim Brotherhood should not frighten anybody: we respect the rights of all religious and political groups.” Shatir’s reassurances are at odds with comments by the Brotherhood’s president, Muhammad Mehdi Akef, who last year told the Egyptian newspaper al-Arabi: “Islam will invade Europe and America because Islam has a mission.” Speaking in December, Mehdi described the Holocaust as “a myth” and insisted that, when in power, the Brotherhood would not recognise Israel, whose demise he “expected soon.” Mehdi views “martyrdom operations” in Palestine and Iraq as a religious duty and has described all Israelis – including children – as “enemies of Islam.” And yet Guardian readers are assured that the Brotherhood “has long espoused non-violence.”

    In January, the Egyptian weekly Roz Al-Yusouf invited Ragab Hilal Hamida, a Brotherhood MP and former member of the jihadist group Jama’at al-Takfir Wa al-Hijra, to clarify earlier comments expressing support for bin Laden. Hamida promptly obliged: “’Terrorism’ is not a curse when given its true [religious] meaning. From my point of view, bin Laden, al-Zawahiri and al-Zarqawi are not terrorists… I support all their activities.” When asked if such statements might reflect badly on the public perception of Islam, Hamida replied, “Islam does not need improvement of its image.”

    The Guardian’s comment editor, Seumas Milne, seems to be unfamiliar with the Brotherhood’s less conciliatory statements to non-Western journalists, including the group’s ambitions for “the widespread implementation of Islam as a way of life; no longer to be sidelined as merely a religion.” Nor, it seems, is Milne aware that the Egyptian Brotherhood’s own website directs young Muslims to a website for children that celebrates jihad and homicidal ‘martyrdom’, albeit with colourful cartoons.

    It isn’t clear why Milne continues to give a platform to the Brotherhood and its affiliates. Like many other refugees from the Communist Party of Great Britain, Milne may be vicariously titillated by the revolutionary intent of Islamic fundamentalism. Though one has to wonder how contempt for pluralism and free speech along with the theological mandate of arbitrary murder have become such obvious causes for a “progressive” newspaper. Granted, the Brotherhood shares with much of the left a hatred of U.S. ‘imperialism’, which is, allegedly, the cause of all evil in the world. Though, again, I’m not sure how these anti-imperial credentials sit with the slogan that still adorns the Brotherhood’s literature and website: “Islam will dominate the world.”

    Guardian readers are, however, spared such troublesome details. It’s not entirely obvious whether these omissions are a result of Milne’s ignorance, or of some deeper sympathy with delusional bigots. Either way, I’m inclined to wonder if the Guardian would publish a regular series of propaganda pieces by members of Stormfront or the BNP, championing the benign ambitions of white supremacist groups, without reference to the writers’ membership of those groups, and without any subsequent challenge or contrary point of view.

    Here’s a small taste of the views that go unchallenged in the Guardian’s comment pages. In July 2004, Sohaib Saeed, a Brotherhood activist and spokesman for the Muslim Association of Britain, insisted criticism of the Brotherhood’s foremost cleric, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, should only be raised “in appropriate times and places”. Alas, Saeed neglected to specify which times and places might be permissible. We were, however, informed that Qaradawi is a “shining example of moderation” and asked whom British Muslims should follow if not the Brotherhood’s “esteemed” spiritual leader.

    The following month, Anas Altikriti – whose father happens to be the head of the Iraqi Muslim Brotherhood – warned of “catastrophic consequences” if the right continued to “smear and demonise” Islam. That these “smears” are very often statements of fact passed without comment. And labelling as “rightwing” anyone who asks inconvenient questions is itself a form of demonisation, if only to Guardian readers.

    And let’s not forget the Guardian’s former trainee journalist, Dilpazier Aslam, whose enthusiasm for radical Islam will, of course, be sorely missed. Readers may recall that Aslam is a member of Hizb ut-Tahrir, a supremacist movement banned in Germany and much of the Middle East – chiefly for circulating the kind of xenophobic literature that one would think rather at odds with the Guardian’s multicultural ethos. The Hizb newsletter proclaims a “clash of civilisations is not only inevitable but imperative” and in October 2002 the group’s Danish representative, Fadi Abdelatif, was prosecuted for distributing an anti-Semitic leaflet titled And Kill Them Wherever You Find Them.

    Many of the Guardian’s non-Muslim contributors also seem determined to sanitise Islamic radicalism for purposes of their own. Last September, Natasha Walter downplayed Hizb’s anti-Semitic hysteria and stressed the group’s “espousal of decent things like women’s rights.” But according to Hizb’s own on-line draft constitution, those “women’s rights” would involve compulsory segregation of the sexes, limited voting and enforced “modesty”. Evidently, Ms Walter was too busy describing Hizb as an “alternative to capitalism” to actually read what these anti-capitalist revolutionaries wish to bring about.

    One month later, Madeleine Bunting conducted a bizarre Hello-style interview with the Brotherhood’s moral compass, Yusuf al-Qaradawi. In it, she enthused about his “horror of immorality and materialism”, his “independence of mind” and his mastery of the internet. However, Bunting was careful to skip over the actual content of Qaradawi’s website, which propagates the cleric’s “problematic” endorsement of suicide bombing, executing homosexuals and the beating of disobedient women. One wonders if Ms Bunting chose not to question Qaradawi’s beliefs for fear of receiving similar chastisement.

    Elsewhere in the Guardian, Seumas Milne has argued that extremists should be given a voice within the media, rather than being driven underground. Well, a public testing of ideas is one of the virtues of democracy, and even the most poisonous views can be countered with contrary facts and a healthy dose of ridicule. But a public testing of Islamist ideology is precisely what is missing from the left-leaning press and from the Guardian in particular. What we see instead is an unchallenged platform for those who don’t wish their ideas to be tested at all.

    This unilateral concession and failure of courage should concern everyone, irrespective of their politics and religion. As Islamic zealots invariably claim to speak on behalf of “all Muslims”, it’s imperative that their beliefs are challenged unapologetically. Yet what we find in the Guardian is a non-debate between advocates of the Brotherhood like Azzam Tamimi, who defends suicide bombing as a measure of pious “desperation”, and those, like Iqbal Sacranie and Karen Armstrong, who disingenuously deny terrorism has anything to do with conceptions of Islam and the teachings of its prophet.

    Unfortunately, this denial of reality sidelines Muslim reformers and serves the cause of the extremists. Whether through ignorance or embarrassment, moderate believers say ‘Oh, terrorism is nothing to do with Islam’. Then the jihadists prove them wrong by pointing out the relevant verses from the Qur’an and Sunnah, using Mohammed’s own instructions and example as their mandate. Consequently, it is the jihadists who gain kudos as more knowledgeable and “authentic”. As Ayaan Hirsi Ali wrote in her book, The Caged Virgin: “The central figure in this struggle is not bin Laden… or Sayyid Qutb, but Mohammed.”

    Any realistic response to the Brotherhood and its affiliates must include a frank discussion of the theology from which they claim legitimacy. Yet the prevailing climate remains one of deference, evasion and blatant double standards. Islamists may well react to any questioning of their beliefs with umbrage, threats or howls of impropriety. But what is more troubling is that the mainstream organ of the British left is giving a preferential platform to fascistic ideas, shielded from any meaningful opposition or factual correction, at least in its print form. Perhaps this bias and timidity is part of an attempt by the Guardian to siphon readers from Q News or the Muslim Weekly. But a fear of offending any strand of Muslim opinion – no matter how bigoted and grievous it may be – has left the Guardian critically hamstrung on a defining issue of our time.

    © David Thompson 2006

    dt online

    With thanks to the Daily Ablution and Harry’s Place.

  • Pearse’s “Perfect Little Pigs” or Translating Celsus

    Since it first appeared on his blogspace in 2002, the most frequently Googled article about me—depressingly—is a piece called “Celsus, Origen and Hoffmann” by a certain freelance Tadler named Roger Pearse. The irritable Mr. Pearse has become in the intervening years a watchful enemy of my work and a sort of unconsecrated bishop in the church of Anglo-Patristic Orthodoxy. So dutiful is his vigilance in this office (by day Mr. Pearse disguises himself as an unassuming computer programmer) that I have occasionally felt remorse at not giving him enough work to watch. This may seem petulance, I know. But I prefer to think of it as anger; and as Aristotle reminds us, “To be angry with the right man, to the right degree, at the right time, for the right purpose, and in the right way is not easy.”

    In his screed, Mr. Pearse’s main issue is that in a 1987 work entitled Celsus: On the True Doctrine (Oxford University Press) I played fast and free with the words of the fierce 2nd century anti-Christian philosopher—about whose identity, I should mention, we are grossly under-informed. Celsus’ “words”—which once added up to a full-blown treatise—are known to us only from the longwinded rejoinder Contra Celsum, written by an equally irritable Church father named Origen (CE 185-254). We cannot know whether the Christian teacher played “fast and free” with the pagan thinker, so in reconstructing Celsus’ diatribe we are dependent on seeing Origen as a man of virtue, temperance, and irrefragable rightness, as Mr. Pearse, with the ingenuousness of a chorister, clearly does. But history does not.

    Among his many zealous indiscretions were Origen’s self-castration (all the better to tutor girls in the gospels with, my dear), his masochistic encouragement of (others’) martyrdom, and a wrong-headedness about almost every significant theological issue of his day, which effected to create him heretic after his death in 254. Eusebius comments charitably on Origen’s “inexperienced and youthful heart,” when he might simply have called him a cowboy.

    Like all turgid Alexandrian theologians—and, believe me, there are many still at work, though they have since migrated to Grand Rapids, Cambridge, and Chicago—Origen quotes his enemy freely, lengthily, and smugly. “Freely,” in this case, means unsystematically—which accounts for the need, at times, to “conjoin” snippets of Celsus that Origen has separated and to separate bits that Origen has joined. Pearse, convinced that Origen was working with the Authorized Version of Celsus’ work, by chapter and verse, shudders when I do this. And like all priggish Oxford Movementophiles, Mr. Pearse quotes me quoting Origen quoting Celsus with equal zeal, if less impressive purpose, taking special exception to the following:

    “Christians, it is needless to say, utterly detest each other.  They slander each other constantly with the vilest forms of abuse and cannot come to any sort of agreement in their teachings.  Each sect brands its own, fills the head of its own with deceitful nonsense, and makes perfect little pigs of those it wins over to its side. Like so many sirens they chatter away endlessly and beat their breasts. The world (they say to their shame) is crucified to me and I to the world.” (Hoffmann p. 91 per Origen, CC, 5.64)

    Compare this, Pearse dares, not to the original but to “the standard edition of Origen’s Contra Celsum by Henry Chadwick:

    “Some are called ‘branding-irons of hearing’ … some are called ‘enigmas’… some called Sirens who are cheats of disgraceful conduct, who seal up the ears of those whom they win over, and make their heads like those of pigs … And you will hear all those, he says, who disagree so violently and by their strife refute themselves to their utter disgrace, saying ‘The world is crucified unto me and I to the world’.

    Before our Dear Reader Dozes, and with deference to Professor Henry Chadwick whose work I trust and tutelage I admire, my intellectual duty here was to Celsus, not to Origen (or Homer), and Celsus’s valuable point is about Christian heterodoxy and sectarian rivalry—Gnostics, ascetics, “orthodox” and others—and Chadwick’s literal translation largely fails to convey this point. Celsus knew (Pearse finds it dull) that Christian Orthodoxy was a result of episcopal intolerance, not an act of Providence reported by the bishops. That is why the French, with sexist hauteur, have said that translations, like women, are either beautiful or faithful but never both. Here what is wanting in fidelity (not much) accurately displays the fact that Celsus knew that Christianity in the year 180 was not a garden but a barnyard full of squawking hens. And Origen (as Porphyry knew) was one of them.

    At times, indeed, Mr. Pearse appears to think that my atheism, which is of the shallow but stubborn type, has fused with the ancient philosopher’s anti-Christianism: Celsus (his thinking seems to run) was a pagan nettle in the emerging garden of sweetly planted Orthodoxy. Origen, the gardener, knew a thing or two about weeds, the proof of which is that it took nearly 2000 years for the nettles to reappear in the form of rationalist critiques of Christian dogma and Celsus-like harangues against the absurdity of Christian belief and believers. “A lot of atheists,” Pearse laments, “are quoting portions of R. J Hoffmann’s Celsus…as if it were an accurate representation of what Celsus wrote.” But “in fact,” says Pearse happily, “[Celsus’ work] is lost and can only be reconstructed from Origen Contra Celsum.” Message: Hoffmann, prototokos tou Satanou, can only have dug the pagan up out of a mischievous contempt for Christian theology or a salacious regard for pagan ridicule. Mind you, Mr. Pearse does not say these last two things. But he should have because they are both true.

    Celsus was no atheist. That opprobrium he reserved for the Christians, whose God was not worth a philosophical fart and so did not deserve to be the subject of “Logos” or reasoned discourse. But Mr. Pearse is correct in one particular: The resonance between Celsus and modern secularism and atheism is significant, even startling. And despite Origen’s efforts to minimize the damage Celsus’s treatise had caused to the Church when it appeared—some 70 years or so before Origen penned his response—the main value of the Christian apologist’s defense was an inadvertent one, noticed first by philosophers in the Enlightenment: Origen had preserved a large portion of the very critique of the Christian faith he had sought to eradicate. I think only the discovery of Sapphic lyrics among the papyrus stuffing used to pack antiquities has had a more beneficial result. In fact, this is not as distant a comparison as it might seem, since there is a strong (unprovable) tradition that it was Bishop Gregory of Nazianzus (324-379), father (!) of the saint by the same name, who incited to have Sappho’s works burned, along with those of the pagan philosophical “persecutors” of the Church—Celsus, Porphyry, and Julian, the ‘Apostate.’

    I sometimes muse that “fundamentalism” exists in many forms, but the chief two are love of the Bible and love of the Church. These two forms do not mix well. Those who love the Church, and believe interpretation of the Bible belongs to it, will see the orthodox settlement of 325, and Trinitarian orthodoxy, as the high point of Christian civilization. Those who love the Bible will see Jesus and the gospels that tell his story as significantly removed from (and irrelevant to) the historical process that lead to Orthodoxy and, finally Catholicism. By temperament (apud Luther) they will see Catholic orthodoxy as a corruption of an irretrievable original Christianity inherent in the Gospel. Both historical models are flawed, of course, and conceptually naive and under-analyzed. But there you are.

    The Oxford Movement—the Newmans, Kebles, and Puseys—loved the Church more than the Bible. No, that is too simple: Catholic and Anglo-Catholic and Orthodox theology have traditionally loved the Church instead of the Bible. Judging from Mr. Pearse’s unapologetic ascription of his site as Tertullian.com, so does he. But this “love,” this uncritical devotion to the ipsissima verba of ancient intolerant men under the camouflage of a higher standard of truth or authenticity, is no excuse for the historical stupidity that his site and criticism purvey. And if only Tertullian had lived to see it, he would smile to know that a word he arguably contributed to the western Christian lexicon—trinitas—became the ultimate stumbling block, the surd so offensive to reason that it could only be “believed.” Oddly, in the Church-based form of fundamentalism, the denial of the absurd becomes the irrational. Celsus saw this, and in a passage which Mr. Pearse acknowledges I got largely right, quotes:

    “One ought first to follow reason as a guide before accepting any doctrine, since anyone who believes without testing a doctrine is certain to be deceived…. Just as the charlatans of the cults take advantage of the simpleton’s lack of education to lead him around by the nose, so too with the Christian teachers: they do not want to give or receive reasons for what they believe. Their favorite expressions are ‘Do not ask questions, just believe!’ and: ‘Your faith will save you! ‘The wisdom of the world,’ they say, ‘is evil; to be simple is to be good.’ If only they would undertake to answer my question — which I do not ask as one who is trying to understand their beliefs (there being little to understand). But they refuse to answer, and indeed discourage asking questions of any sort.” (Contra Celsum 1.9; Hoffmann, 53-4)

    R. Joseph Hoffmann is Professor and Chair of Religious Studies at Wells College and a Senior Fellow at the Center for Inquiry International.

  • Meet the Deity

    Anna was standing on a high bluff admiring the sunset – a particularly spectacular one full of gilded clouds – thinking blissfully of God and gratitude and the beauty of the world, when suddenly the sun seemed to swell and pulse, the sky turned every shade of purple and silver, there was ethereal music, and then an angel appeared next to her. “Beloved servant,” remarked the angel pleasantly, “for that thou art our dedicated and humble servant, and the first woman minister of thy parish, we have chosen thee to have an audience with the deity.”

    Anna stared, coloured; the earth seemed to tilt and rock all around her; she planted her feet wide apart and hoped not to fall over. “Uh,” she said haltingly, “uh,” she said stupidly, “I am not worthy.” “You don’t get to decide that,” the angel said snappily, making Anna think of Ethel and Mr Salteena and have to suppress a snort of laughter.

    “Come on – chop chop.” Anna gaped. “What – now?” “Yes, now,” the angel said crossly, “when did you think, next Tuesday? Get a move on.” “But – I’m not ready, I’m not prepared, I haven’t thought, I don’t know what to say, I haven’t prayed – ” “Look, stupid, this is the deity you’re meeting, not some bishop or CEO or city official – it’s not like you’re going to be able to talk on his level, is it. It’s like an ant trying to “prepare” to have a chat with Einstein. Don’t bother, because it wouldn’t make any difference. And the deity doesn’t like to make plans in advance, or to wait around for dithering humans, so come on.”

    “You said his,” she said mournfully, “it’s a man then?” “Oh, no, not really,” the angel said breezily, “we just like to say that to women because it annoys them.” The angel cackled. “I’m not dressed for it,” Anna said; the angel rolled its eyes and made a gesture, and Anna found herself in a bear costume. “Hey!” she said. “It’s too hot, I can’t see, I can’t breathe – it smells bad, too.” “Oh, sorry,” the angel said witheringly, and Anna found herself in a purple and gold brocaded robe. “That better?” “Yes, thank – ” The angel made another gesture and Anna found herself back in her jeans and sweatshirt, but they were dirtier than they’d been before. “Come on,” the angel barked. “You keep saying come on,” Anna said, feeling like Alice, “but how do I come on?” “Move your butt,” was the transcendent reply.

    Anna took a step, and found herself in what looked like a basketball court with a few chairs in it. “There you go,” said the angel, and walked off. A guy with a buzz cut in jeans and a sweatshirt with a logo on it approached her. “How ya doin’?” he said, not sounding as if he wanted to know. “Hello,” Anna said self-consciously, “are you – ” “We didn’t drag you here to meet the staff,” he said, and sniggered. “You are a man,” she said. “Not necessarily.” He twirled his hand mockingly in the air over his head, and Anna was confronted by a woman who looked exactly like Ann Coulter. “That better?” “Uh – ” Another twirl, and Buzzcut was back. “Nice outfit,” he said. “Well,” she began, “I wanted to – ” “I know, I know. I liked the bear costume.” He gave a loud bark of laughter and Anna, to her amazement, felt a strong desire to slap him. “Siddown,” he said, flopping himself into a chair. He looked at her appraisingly. “So. You’re pretty old, aren’t you.” Anna recoiled. “Excuse me?” “Old. You’re old. Those lines around your mouth – not attractive.” “Well whose fault is that?” she said hotly. His eyebrows shot up and he gave a huge mocking grin. “Mine?” he said innocently. “Well not mine!” Anna retorted. “I didn’t decide to get lines in my face. They just showed up.” “Like gravy,” he said absently. “Yeah, I know – I’m just saying. They’re not flattering.” “Well I’m sorry if I’m repelling you,” Anna began furiously. “Oh that’s okay,” he said. “I know you can’t help it. You should have stuck with the bear thing though.” He gave another shout of laughter.

    “You’re not all that attractive yourself,” Anna said through clenched teeth. “Oh, I know,” he said, “but I don’t have to be. It doesn’t matter what I’m like. People worship me anyway. Like you.” Anna stared at him, digesting this. “I can be beautiful if I feel like it,” he added; he brushed his hand over the top of his head and turned into what looked like a male model in a Calvin Klein ad, then into Greta Garbo, then Harrison Ford, then Julia Roberts, then Buzzcut again. “I like this look though,” he said, “and I get to please myself.” He smirked at her cheerfully.

    There was a long pause. “Well,” Anna croaked. She cleared her throat and began again. “Well, that must be very nice for you.”

    “Oh, it is,” he said. “It’s ideal. I can do whatever I want to. The unmoved mover.” He gave another bark of laughter.

    “That sounds like a rather childish ‘ideal,’” she said, “just doing whatever you want to.”

    “Oh, no,” he said, “not at all. Because I’m the one who’s doing it, you see. I’m the deity, so by definition, if I’m doing it, it can’t be childish, it’s divine, omniscient, perfect, all that good stuff.”

    “Is – ” Anna’s throat closed. She took a breath. “Is all this a joke to you?”

    “Oh, yeah, pretty much.”

    “Well…it’s not to us.”

    “No, I know.”

    She stared. “Don’t you care?”

    “Not really. I’m not much good at caring. Not one of my skills.”

    “N – not?”

    “No.”

    “So why do we bother praying to you when we’re ill, or when our children or friends are ill, or we’re frightened or lonely or sad, or there’s an earthquake or a hurricane?”

    “Because you’re labouring under a misapprehension, I assume. You think I do care, so you tell me your stuff. And it usually makes you feel better doesn’t it? So no harm done; everybody’s happy. I don’t listen, and you feel better – no problem.”

    “I – all this time, that was the one thing I thought I knew: that you cared. That even if you couldn’t help, or wouldn’t, for whatever good theological reason – because it would upset free will, or causality, or the cosmic order, or something – that you cared. That you cared passionately – that your heart bled for us. That every sorrow of ours was a sorrow of yours. Every grief, every loss, every bereavement, was sorrowful to you. That’s what I’ve always told my parishioners.”

    “Thanks a lot,” he said. “There are six and a half billion of you now? And I’m supposed to feel all the pain that every single one of you feels? Well that would be a fun job. I don’t think so. Do you notice how much nicer I am than you are? I only make humans suffer their own pain: you want me to suffer that times 6.5 billion! Very generous, very kind. No, it’s a sweet thought, but I’ll pass, thanks.”

    “But…”

    “But what?”

    “But you made the whole thing, we didn’t.”

    “So? So I made it, that doesn’t mean I have to feel its pain. You make dinner every night: do you feel its pain while you eat it?” He cackled.

    Anna felt herself flushing. “You’re very obnoxious!” she blurted.

    “I know. Everyone always tells me.”

    “Well if everyone tells you, why don’t you stop?”

    He made his eyes very round. “I told you. Why should I? People worship me anyway. And it’s fun being obnoxious – really, really fun. I love it. I’m having a really good time right now.”

    Her eyes filled. “Because you’re infuriating me and disillusioning me.”

    “Of course. Fun! I know you’re just itching to slap me right across the face, but you can’t very well, being as how I’m the deity and all. I might hit you with my purse.” He cackled again. “I get to say any old thing I want to, and you just have to sit there and fume. You think that’s not fun?” He shook his head. “Wrong.”

    “You’re worse than obnoxious then,” she said in wonder. “You’re mean. You’re cruel.”

    “Oh yeah? And what are you? Who made you the morality cop? Morality comes from God, remember? That’s me – so obviously whatever I do is good, by definition. Cruelty isn’t good – is it? So I can’t be cruel. Or else cruelty is good. It’s one of those.”

    “But you just said you’ve been having fun making me feel miserable. That can’t be good.”

    “It can if I say it can. I decide this stuff, not you, don’t you remember?”

    “But if this is what you’re like, then…” She trailed off, uncertain.

    “Then what? Then you get to decide instead of me?” He grinned sharkishly at her. “You’re very self-righteous, aren’t you. Very pleased with yourself. You feel very superior, don’t you. You know what’s good and bad, and you’ll lay down the law to anyone, including The Lawgiver himself. Why do you think you’re superior?”

    “I don’t,” she said angrily.

    “Ah, ah – temper. Superior people don’t lose their tempers.”

    “I’m not superior. I don’t feel superior. Especially not right now. I feel like a complete fool.”

    He nodded sagely. “Buyer’s remorse.”

    “I’ll have to re-train now,” she said absently.

    “I’d recommend IT, except you’re so old.”

    “No,” she said acidly, “I think I’ll take up Satanism.”

    He laughed. “A bit superfluous, I think.”

    “So…you’re really not good in any way? Not what we humans think of as good at least.”

    “Not as far as I can tell. I’m not that bad, I would say – but I do what pleases me, not what pleases you guys.”

    “I can’t seem to take it in…”

    “Well what I don’t get is, why’d you ever think anything else? What else would I be? Did you just never look at the world around you, or what?”

    She blinked rapidly, trying to drive the tears back. “I thought you had your reasons. You know…your inscrutable will…”

    He sighed and nodded. “Yeah, I know. That’s what everyone says. It just sounds like a formula, to me. They don’t like what they see when they look at the world, so they write up this label, “God’s Inscrutable Purpose” and slap it on there and figure that takes care of it. But it’s just a label. There’s nothing behind it.”

    “You’re not trying to make us stronger, or braver, or more compassionate, or something like that?”

    He made big eyes at her again. “No. Nothing like that. I don’t care whether you guys are braver or more compassionate or not. I really don’t – I’m just not interested. But you keep thinking I do. You’re a weird bunch of animals, you know. You can ignore anything, no matter how obvious it is.”

    “You’re not much like George Burns,” Anna said inanely.

    “Well you’re not much like John Denver. So it goes.” He stood up. “Well, this has been fun, but I have to go work out now. Moonbeam here will show you out.”

    The angel indeed was indeed beckoning to her from the door. “Nice meeting you,” Anna said, like a fool, as she turned to go.

    “Vaya con dios,” he called, with a final bray of mocking laughter.

  • Karen Armstrong: Islam’s Hagiographer

    Karen Armstrong has been described as “one of the world’s most provocative and inclusive thinkers on the role of religion in the modern world”. Armstrong’s efforts to be “inclusive” are certainly “provocative”, though generally for reasons that are less than edifying. In 1999, the Muslim Public Affairs Council of Los Angeles gave Armstrong an award for media “fairness”. What follows might cast light on how warranted that recognition is, and indeed on how the MPAC chooses to define fairness.

    In one of her baffling Guardian columns, Armstrong argues that, “It is important to know who our enemies are… By making the disciplined effort to name our enemies correctly, we will learn more about them, and come one step nearer, perhaps, to solving the… problems of our divided world.” Yet elsewhere in the same piece, Armstrong maintains that Islamic terrorism must not be referred to as such. “Jihad”, we were told, “is a cherished spiritual value that, for most Muslims, has no connection with violence.”

    Well, the word ‘jihad’ has multiple meanings depending on the context, and it’s hard to determine the particulars of what “most Muslims” think in this regard. But it’s safe to say the Qur’an and Sunnah are of great importance to Muslims generally, and most references to jihad found in the Qur’an and Sunnah occur in a military or paramilitary context, and aggressive conceptions of jihad are found in every major school of Islamic jurisprudence, with only minor variations. Mohammed’s own celebration of homicidal ‘martyrdom’ makes for particularly interesting reading.

    The Muslims who do commit acts of terrorism do so, by their own account, because of what they perceive as core Islamic teachings. The names they give themselves – jihadist, mujahedin, shahid – have no meaning outside of an Islamic context. But Armstrong would have us ignore what terrorists repeatedly tell us about themselves and their motives. One therefore has to ask how one defeats an opponent whose name one dare not repeat and whose stated motives one cannot mention.

    In another Guardian column, Armstrong insists that, “until the 20th century, anti-Semitism was not part of Islamic culture” and that anti-Semitism is purely a Western invention, spread by Westerners. The sheer wrong-headedness of this assertion is hard to put into words, but one might note how, once again, the evil imperialist West is depicted as boundlessly capable of spreading corruption wherever it goes, while the Islamic world is portrayed as passive, devoid of agency and thereby virtuous by default.

    According to Armstrong, Mohammed was, above all, a “peacemaker” who “respected” Jews and other non-Muslims. Yet nowhere in the Qur’an and Sunnah does Mohammed refer to non-Muslims as in any way deserving of respect as equals. Quite the opposite, in fact. Apparently, we are to ignore 1400 years of Islamic history contradicting Armstrong’s view, and to ignore the contents of the Qur’an and the explicitly anti-Semitic ‘revelations’ of Islam’s founder. Has Armstrong not read Ibn Ishaq’s quasi-sacred biography of Mohammed? Has she not read the Hadiths? Does she not know of the massacre of the Banu Qurayza and the opportunist raids against the Bani Quainuqa, Bani Nadir and Bani Isra’il and other Jewish tribes? Does she not know how these events were justified as a divine duty, one which formed the theological basis of the Great Jihad of Abu Bakr, setting in motion one of the most formidable military expansions in Islamic history? Does she not know how these theological ideas established Jews and Christians’ subordinate legal status throughout much of the Islamic world for hundreds of years?

    In her latest offering, Armstrong is again given free rein to mislead Guardian readers and, again, rewrite history. Armstrong asserts that, “until recently, no Muslim thinker had ever claimed [violent jihad] was a central tenet of Islam”. In fact, contemporary jihadists draw upon theological traditions reaching back to Mohammed’s own murderous example. The Fifteenth Century historian and philosopher, Ibn Khaldun, summarised the consensus of five centuries of prior Sunni theology regarding jihad in his book, The Muqudimmah: “In the Muslim community, the holy war is a religious duty, because of the… mission to convert everybody to Islam either by persuasion or by force… Islam is under obligation to gain power over other nations.” Shiite jurisprudence concurred with this consensus, as seen in al-Amili’s manual of Shia law, Jami-i-Abbasi: “Islamic holy war against followers of other religions, such as Jews, is required unless they convert to Islam.”

    Given that Armstrong is regularly described as a “respected scholar” and an “expert on Islam”, she must surely know of Khaldun and his sources, and must surely know how Mohammed himself conceived jihad primarily as an expansionist military endeavour. Armstrong must also be aware of the jihad campaigns of religious ‘cleansing’ throughout the Arab Peninsula, in accord with Mohammed’s death bed words. Likewise, the five centuries of jihad campaigns in India, during which tens of millions of Hindus and Buddhists were slaughtered or enslaved to further Islamic influence, along with similar campaigns in Egypt, Palestine, Armenia, Africa, Spain, etc. All of these campaigns are thoroughly – indeed, triumphantly – documented by Muslim sources of the period and are available to any serious scholar. (For a detailed overview, see Andrew Bostom’s Legacy of Jihad.)

    If Armstrong does not know of such things, in what sense can she be considered a “respected scholar” of this subject? For what, exactly, is she respected? For reaffirming popular misconceptions and PC prejudice, even when her claims are demonstrably false and egregiously misleading? It is, I think, more likely that Armstrong is aware of these inconvenient details and has chosen not to divulge them. Either way, Islam’s foremost hagiographer and shill has found an audience among Muslims and those on the left with little appetite for unflattering facts and a preference for being told whatever they wish to hear.

    © David Thompson 2006

  • An Open Letter to Oriana Fallaci

    Dear Oriana Fallaci

    As a veteran activist of women’s rights, for liberty and equality, as a first hand victim of political Islam, and a veteran fighter against it, as an atheist who is a staunch believer in a secular state and secular education system, as a woman who has fought against the hejab in any form and shape, as a secularist who has defended the latest French secular law to ban the wearing of any conspicuous religious symbols in public schools, as a campaigner for banning the veil for underage girls and banning religious schools, as a campaigner against honour killings, Sharia courts in Canada, Islamism and Islamic terrorism, as a staunch defender of unconditional freedom of expression and criticism who defended the right of those who ridiculed Mohammad in the row over the caricatures, I share some of your beliefs and find others very offensive, and let me make it clear, not to Islam, but to human values, egalitarian and libertarian values which are also part of “European culture”.

    When you came to Iran to interview Khomeini, I was fighting against him and the Islamic regime, and for women’s rights, against the hejab, and for freedom. I knew you first and foremost for your interview with the Shah. I admired your courage and frankness then. I feel indignant now when I read some of your comments and your latest interview with Margaret Talbot in the New Yorker. Your justified hatred against Islam and Islamism has been extended to all Moslems and everyone living under Islam. I am sure you do not need anyone to remind you that this is racism. I am bewildered when I read your comments against immigrants and immigration from countries under the rule of Islam, and find this in contrast with the justified pride you take in your history for fighting against Nazi-Fascism.

    It seems to me that the hate against Islam has pushed you towards Christianity. You have even visited the Pope asking him to take a stronger stance against Islamism. This I find puzzling. How does an atheist of one religion take refuge in another? Your hate against Islamism and political Islam finds expression in Eurocentrism. Your disapproval for multiculturalism and cultural relativism has led you to defend “western culture”, instead of universal rights and secular, humanitarian, and libertarian values.

    As a young girl growing up in Iran, under the rule of Islam, I read western philosophers and writers to educate myself with enlightened principles and values regarding equality, freedom and women’s rights. I chose the libertarian and egalitarian side of Western culture, and I am bewildered why, you an atheist, a fighter against fascism, had to resort to Eurocentrism and racism in order to defend Western culture.

    Your defence of a superior culture goes as far as expressing more concern about the beheading of statues of Buddha than about murdered, maimed women and men in Afghanistan whose rights are violated daily, who are victims of political Islam and American militarism. This perplexes me. I found it offensive that a human being who enjoys a freedom-fighter stature in the eyes of many, cares more about the cultural and physical ambiance of her native country than all those men, women and children who are killed, maimed and violated daily in Iraq. It seems that in defence of “your culture” you, a self-professed atheist, in attacking mosques end up defending the church. As a staunch campaigner against terrorism, I feel indignant when I see our “Western” anti Islamist can voice condemnation only of terrorism taking place in the West. All terrorist acts which take place daily in countries under Islam are mentioned at best only in passing. Are people who have, by the draw of a lottery, been born under the rule of Islam not worthy of your attention, passion and rage?

    All these become so ironic when one looks deeply into the root of political Islam. When one remembers how the Western governments unleashed this monster on the people of the region, how they created the Mojahedin in Afghanistan in the cold war era, and then helped the Taliban, how in the fear of a leftist revolution in Iran dumped Khomeini on us and helped bring about an Islamic state, when one remembers these recent historical facts, one cannot help but discern a profound sense of hypocrisy and double standard. Sadly the saga of helping political Islam and Islamic terrorism by the Western governments is an ongoing effort. Just look at Iraq! The US and Britain, by invading Iraq, helped Islamists grow monstrously therein. Have you forgotten who the friend of Bin laden was? The tragedy is that as long as this monster was strangling the “native” people, our rage could stay under control, our passion not moved. Those people were not worthy of our passion and compassion!

    Western academia and journalists invented and nurtured the concept of cultural relativism, so that on its basis they could justify compulsory veiling, stoning, maiming and torturing of the people under the rule of Islam. That gave justification for turning one’s head while one’s government made deals with those Islamic states. This concept was invented so under the guise of “respect for other cultures” the brutal crimes and violation of human rights will be brushed aside “respectfully”. We have witnessed how European courts have resorted to cultural relativism in defending the deportation of immigrants fleeing the rule of Islam. They have gone as far as stating that the prison conditions in those countries are suitable for those people.

    I must state that these arrogant, hypocritical and racist attitudes and policies are an important tool to foster political Islam. If one does not distinguish between the Islamic movement, a reactionary and brutal political movement, and ordinary Moslems who are the first hand victims of this, if one does not distinguish between the oppressor and the oppressed, one becomes an accessory to Islamic brutality.

    We must try to understand the root causes of Islamic recruitment among the so-called Moslem communities in the West. The dominant racism in state policies and attitude and systematic marginalization of these communities plus the aggression and militarism of the Western governments led by the US against the people in the Middle East, namely, Palestine and Iraq, have directed the youth in these communities to despair and frustration. The revolt of the “suburb” in France is a vivid and sad example of such policies. By rejecting these communities as part of “us” we leave them at the mercy of the “leaders of the community”, who foster traditionalism, Islamism, sexism, and glorification of the “home land”. These are poisonous brain washings. And I must say that your stance is aiding this process.

    I find it so hard to understand that in despising the oppressor and oppressing ideology you come to despise the victims just as much. No sympathy, no compassion for the victims. No rage and passion provoked for these people who live under these inhumane and brutal conditions. It is amazing that in Mexico, witnessing the brutal crushing of a student demonstration and becoming a victim of it, you came to hate the sufferers just as much as the oppressors. So flippantly, you state you hate “Mexicans” and as a result despise the most impressive show of power and solidarity in the US for the rights of immigrants in recent months.

    I was enraged by reading your racist comments. I was indignant at sensing your Euro centrism, at your lack of human compassion for millions who fled the rule of Islam and took refuge in the West in the hope of a better life. I share your indignation for the Islamist movement. But I denounce categorically the racism that is openly expressed by you. And last but not least I must state that I defend the unconditional freedom of expression, and condemn the court which is to try you for what you have expressed in your books. One must be free to express any opinions. This is the pillar of a free society.

    Azar Majedi

    The chair of Organisation for Women’s Liberation- Iran; Producer and host of TV programmes on New Channel satellite TV, including “No to Political Islam”; Editor of Medusa

    Azar Majedi

    azarmajedi@yahoo.com