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  • ‘A Road Which Eventually Can Lead Only to Success’

    Following the defenestration of Professor David Nutt, earlier in the month, from the Advisory Committee on the Misuse of Drugs for allegedly intruding on politics in making public his views on the relative risks of legal and illegal drugs, I was moved by simple exasperation to write something in response. This is part of what I wrote and tells the little-known and rather bizarre story of how cannabis came to be prohibited. It also discusses the relative toxicity of cannabis and alcohol and describes what I call the Avocado Theory of illicit drug use.

    Many people will have heard of (or even seen) the hilariously alarmist 1930s American anti-drug film ‘Reefer Madness’ which implied that cannabis led inexorably to degradation, psychosis and homicide. Not many people seem to know how it was that cannabis came to be added to the rather limited ‘index prohibitorum’ (which initially covered only morphine and cocaine) several years after Prohibition became established around 1920. The story, told by the late Prof. Bob Kendall[1] would be merely amusing, had not cannabis Prohibition ruined quite a few lives by causing the imprisonment of people simply for preferring or preparing one vegetable-based intoxicant rather than another. It is also a very good example of the sort of arguments and tactics used by Prohibitionists both ancient and modern.

    In 1925, the League of Nations Second Opium Conference convened in Geneva. Its purpose was to tighten the controls on opium and – less importantly, it would seem – on cocaine, that had first been negotiated rather unenthusiastically at The Hague in 1914 and then steam-rollered through the Treaty of Versailles by the US. Prohibition had always been a policy largely promoted by America and largely ignored by most other countries. After helping the Allies avoid defeat or stalemate in the First World War, America was riding high. Once it was clear that the US was not expecting the Allies, as the price of that help, to join it in prohibiting alcohol (Europe’s traditional intoxicant) the Allies seem to have been happy to go along with American proposals for prohibiting other peoples’ traditional intoxicants. Indeed, Prohibition in the West of drugs other than alcohol actually began in earnest, in the last quarter of the 19th century, as a campaign to restrict the trade in opium not to Europe or America (where laudanum was widely used) but to China and neighbouring countries. This was at least partly motivated by the hope that the Chinese would be more susceptible to the attention of the numerous Christian missionaries, mainly American, who were seeking converts in the region. Today, I suppose, we would regard it as pharmacological imperialism and would probably reject the whole idea as riddled with double standards, Eurocentrism, racism and other old-fashioned attitudes. However, in 1925, such attitudes were pretty routine in the corridors of Geneva.

    Cannabis was not illegal or restricted when the 1925 conference began. It wasn’t even on the agenda and wasn’t mentioned at all until the fifth session, when the Egyptian delegate, Dr Salam el Guindy intervened. He said that cannabis was ‘at least as harmful as opium, if not more so’ and asked the conference to include it in the list of prohibited narcotics. He elaborated on this theme at subsequent meetings, claiming that hashish accounted for between ‘30 and 60% of the total number of cases [of insanity] in Egypt’ and insisting that prohibition of cannabis would be welcomed by every Egyptian ‘…from His Majesty King Fuad…down to the humblest fellah of the Nile valley’. This, as Kendall points out, was inconsistent with the large amounts of cannabis which, Dr el Guindy conceded, were evidently being grown by those same fellahin. The representatives of Greece and Brazil also claimed that cannabis was in the same league as opium or worse. Neither country can be said to have distinguished itself, then or later, for the quality of its psychiatric research.

    The Chinese and American delegates supported these assertions, although Mr Sze, for China, admitted knowing ‘next to nothing’ about the subject and even Mr Porter, the American, conceded that his knowledge was ‘quite limited’. Porter is said to have been ‘bombastic’ and ‘a loose cannon’ but he was a moderate compared to the other American delegate, Bishop Brent, who had previously presided over the 1909 Shanghai commission and the 1912 Hague conference. Brent was ‘a man of evangelical fervour and righteousness’. He regarded any non-medical use of opium as ‘immoral’ and was, according to Kendall, an ‘extreme’ prohibitionist. Still, at least Brent wasn’t an odious hypocrite like one of his fellow ecclesiastics in the alcohol prohibition movement, Bishop James Cannon. In public, Cannon was a Puritan, who ‘had never been known to laugh’ and was opposed to dancing and theatricals and any other public activities that involved even transient exposure of female flesh. It eventually emerged that he had consorted with at least one prostitute (initially using a pseudonym) and had spent a night with her a few hours after his wife suffered a severe and ultimately terminal stroke.[2]

    To their credit, several delegates were unhappy about the lack of opportunity before and during the conference to inform themselves adequately about cannabis. Nevertheless, the conference decided to add cannabis to the list of prohibited substances. The president believed they had ‘…struck a most powerful blow at the drug evil’ and ‘started on a road which eventually can lead only to success’. Even so, the conclusions were not firm enough for the US, which withdrew from the conference because the colonial powers could not commit themselves to eliminating opium from their oriental territories within 15 years. One reason for this was that 15 million kg. (ie about 15,000 tons) of opium were still being produced in rebellious Chinese provinces, and preventing smuggling was much easier said than done.

    Reviewing the history of cannabis in Egypt, Kendell noted that attitudes to it had oscillated over the centuries following its introduction there around the 10th century. One school of Islamic law even refused to regard it a prohibited substance in the same class as alcohol. More importantly, the annual report of the larger of Egypt’s two psychiatric hospitals attributed only 2.7% of admissions in 1920 to hashish – barely a third of the proportion attributed to alcohol. Thirty years earlier, the Indian Hemp Commission had also looked into the psychiatric consequences of cannabis use in the jewel of Britain’s imperial crown. They concluded – correctly it would seem – that cannabis can be the sole cause of psychosis but not very often. Their own figure was 4.5% of admissions and they felt that prohibition was ‘neither necessary nor expedient’ even in a country like India where it was widely consumed.

    Recent research suggests that although, like many other drugs that affect brain function, cannabis can exacerbate pre-existing schizophrenia, it increases the total number of cases by no more than about 8%.[3] This is hardly surprising given that the incidence of first episodes of schizophrenia has not altered much during a couple of generations when the smoking of cannabis in Western countries changed from being an eccentricity indulged in by a small number of jazz musicians and other ‘artistic’ people to something approaching a majority experience, at least during adolescence – even, as has been quite readily conceded, for many future British parliamentarians in government or opposition. (I was nearly 30 when I first tried the stuff myself. Unlike Bill Clinton, it wasn’t so much that I didn’t inhale as that – being a non-smoker – I found inhaling almost impossible. At the time, I was working in a Jamaican university hospital, where the patients’ families – many of them unable to afford a box of chocolates or a bottle of rum or whisky – would sometimes express their thanks to the doctors and nurses by offering us small bags of home-grown ganja.)

    As well as annoying the British government by pointing out the relatively modest effect of cannabis on the incidence of schizophrenia, Prof Nutt has noted that if anything (and in contrast with official concerns that more potent types of cannabis might be more likely to cause psychosis) the incidence of schizophrenia is falling a little. If, despite widespread cannabis use, there really are consistently fewer new cases of schizophrenia, then one possible explanation may be found in some recent research about the genetics of cannabis-induced psychosis (CIP). It seems that the brain enzyme catechol ortho-methyl transferase (COMT) may be particularly important for this process and also that there are several variants of the gene that controls its expression.[4,5,6] These variants are not equally distributed in the British population (let alone in the planetary one) and the variant that makes people most vulnerable seems to be found disproportionately in those of African descent, though since Africans are at least as variable as Europeans, the variants are unlikely to be equally distributed there either. As British citizens of African descent increasingly intermarry with the white population and increasingly produce offspring of mixed race, it might be (and I stress, as someone who is not an expert in psychogenetics, that this is no more than a conjecture) that the vulnerability to CIP increasingly comes to resemble the relatively low one of the white population. That might also apply to certain cultural characteristics which, according to some black advocates, may have led to the over-diagnosis of schizophrenia among Afro-Caribbeans by white psychiatrists.

    Simple acute intoxication with cannabis does not often lead to situations requiring medical attention. In contrast, a significant proportion of the work of any general hospital casualty department involves dealing with alcohol-related accidents, alcohol-related violence and alcohol-related suicide attempts, many of which conditions require at least a short admission. (By the last category, I mean people who make largely unplanned suicide attempts, while drunk, which they would not have made if they had been sober.) Some alcohol-abusers need admission for the treatment of alcohol withdrawal, a conditions that is considerably more dangerous to life than withdrawal from heroin and sometimes equally unpleasant. Some of them are admitted to general hospitals, others to alcoholism units in psychiatric hospitals. Many other alcohol-related psychiatric admissions are not for withdrawal but involve people whose excessive drinking has damaged or destroyed their marriage, their parenthood, their employment prospects, their friendships, their prosperity or their liberty and who are thus, in a very general sense, ‘depressed’. (If you think that ‘understandable misery’ would be at least as accurate a diagnosis in many cases, I wouldn’t strongly disagree, but that’s another article.) A much smaller number are admitted for alcohol-related psychoses, which can be as serious as anything produced by cannabis. Unlike cannabis, alcohol abuse can also cause devastating and irreversible brain damage that can amount to premature dementia.

    Apart from alcohol-related brain damage, alcohol damages many other organs. In contrast, cannabis causes almost no obvious organ damage, apart from the damage that the process of smoking the stuff may cause to the lungs. The difference in toxicity may be because alcohol is actually a very weak drug. The average man needs to drink at least three or four units of alcohol over a relatively short period to become even moderately affected. That means the equivalent of 30 to 40 grams of pure alcohol in total. It also means an awful lot of alcohol molecules coursing through the body, representing quite a lot of calories if you make a habit of it. Cannabis is much more potent, with a typical intoxicating dose in the milligram range – ie at least 3-4000 times smaller. It is also a much larger and heavier molecule than alcohol Far fewer cannabis molecules, therefore, to damage your vital organs compared with alcohol – and it’s calorie-free to boot. Consequently, cannabis users do not trouble doctors in large numbers with perforated gastric ulcers, hypertension, various skin diseases and – of course – cirrhosis of the liver, all of them conditions that can be caused and/or aggravated by alcohol. It is thus difficult to argue convincingly that cannabis is so much more toxic a drug than alcohol that it requires special legislation that is not thought to be required for alcohol.

    Finally, let me present my Avocado Theory of Illicit Drug Use.[3] In the 1950s, when I was a teenager, avocados were exotic and almost unknown, particularly outside London. Furthermore, such was the gastronomic conservatism and xenophobia of the average British teenager, and his or her parents, that if you had offered them an avocado, they would probably have refused even to try it. Yet within a decade, avocados had become less exotic and quite widely available. Many people had eaten them and for some, avocados became a normal part of their diet. By the 1970s, avocados were as ubiquitous as they were unremarkable. This embracing of the hitherto exotic didn’t stop at avocados and other foreign delicacies, of course. Young men started wearing clothes increasingly unlike their fathers’ blazers, suits, ties and sports jackets. The fathers themselves stopped taking their families on holiday to solid British resorts and started going instead to places with names so exotic that they sometimes found it difficult to pronounce them properly. All proper Englishmen knew that avocados (like garlic and Africa) began at Calais but they were increasingly disposed to explore and sample these various avocado-analogies in the fields of clothing, travel, music, sex and thought that burst upon a slightly nervous but receptive country in the 1960s. That disposition has persisted and these changes have generally been accepted and even encouraged by both governments and the media – especially the media. Indeed, significant sectors of the economies of developed countries depend on their continuation.

    The odd thing is that people were somehow expected to ignore completely the other new idea that appeared in the 1960s. That just as there were alternatives to Blackpool for holidays, and to overcooked cabbage to have with your Sunday roast, so there were alternatives to alcohol and tobacco for adjusting – or temporarily abolishing – your feelings. That is one important reason why Prohibition has failed. In the next article, I will discuss some of the other reasons and – more importantly – what we might consider doing instead.

    REFERENCES

    [1] Kendell R. Cannabis condemned: the proscription of Indian hemp. Addiction 2003; 98: 143-51.

    [2] Behr E. Prohibition: the 13 years that changed America. London. BBC Books. 1997. 228-9.

    [3] Arsenault L, Cannon M, Witton J, Murray R. Causal association between cannabis and psychosis: examination of the evidence. Br J Psychiatry. 2004 Feb;184:110-7.

    [4] Caspi A, Moffitt TE, Cannon M, McClay J, Murray R et al. Moderation of the effect of adolescent-onset cannabis use on adult psychosis by a functional polymorphism in the catechol-O-methyltransferase gene: longitudinal evidence of a gene x environment interaction. Biol Psychiatry. 2005 May 15;57(10):1117-27.

    [5] Henquet C et al. COMT ValMet moderation of cannabis-induced psychosis: a momentary assessment study of ‘switching on’ hallucinations in the flow of daily life. Acta Psychiatr Scand. 2009 Feb;119(2):156-60.

    [6] Henquet C et al.An experimental study of catechol-o-methyltransferase Val158Met moderation of delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol-induced effects on psychosis and cognition. Neuropsychopharmacology, 2006 Dec;31(12):2748-57.

    [7] Brewer C. The avocado principle. Nursing Times 1988; 84:22

  • Humanism and Witch Hunt in Nigeria

    A conference introductory speech presented by Leo Igwe, Executive Secretary, Nigerian Humanist Movement at the Nigerian Humanist Movement’s National Conference on Witch-hunt, Christian Fundamentalism and Child Abuse
    Date October 21, 2009. Venue: University of Uyo Community Centre, Uyo Akwa Ibom State
    The Guest Speaker, Dr Nkopuduk Etuk
    The Executive Secretary of NAPTIP represented by its Uyo zonal head, Mrs Elizabeth Ekaette,
    Other governmental and non governmental agencies
    Members of the Press

    Fellow Humanists, Ladies and Gentlemen

    It is my honour to welcome you all to this national conference of the Nigerian Humanist Movement taking place here at the University of Uyo Community Centre. This is the first humanist event to be organised by the Nigerian Humanist Movement in Akwa Ibom State. And I would like to thank all of you who have come from far and wide to attend this conference. Your presence is a demonstration of your support for the humanist cause particularly your commitment to eradicating witchcraft related abuses in Akwa Ibom State and in Nigeria as a whole. This conference is organised to provide a humanist response to the problem of witch hunt and child abuse. By a humanist response I mean a way of looking at or addressing a problem using reason and experience, science, critical thinking and human rights. Humanism offers us a veritable framework to tackle this problem that has outraged the conscience of the world. So I can authoritatively say that here is a problem that confirms the fact that Akwa Ibom State needs humanism, that Nigeria needs humanism.

    But I know not all of us in this hall are humanists, not all of us in Akwa Ibom state are humanists. But whether we are humanists or not, I believe all of us in this hall are in agreement with the fact that abusing any child or any adult in the name of witchcraft is wrong. Am I correct?

    Participants: Yes.

    Leo: Thank you.

    It was the American president Barrack Obama who during his campaign, popularized the saying “Yes we can”. Dear Friends, concerning the eradication of witch hunt in our society, I want to hear all of you say Yes we can.

    Participants: Yes we can.

    Leo : Thank you once again. Yes we can put an end to this shameful practice of torturing and abusing those alleged to be witches and wizards in our families and communities. We can stop this primitive habit of blaming witches and wizards for our problems. We can stop the atrocities of child abuse and abandonment in the name of witchcraft.

    Fellow humanists and human rights activists, last December, the government of Akwa Ibom state said “Yes we can” when it signed into law the child rights act which criminalized the accusation and stigmatization of children. The office of the first lady said yes we can when it took off the streets children abandoned due to witchcraft and put in place programs to rehabilitate them. You can also say “Yes we can” by ensuring that no child or adult is abused, persecuted or killed in the name of this primitive superstition in our families and communities. On behalf of the Nigerian Humanist Movement, I want to thank the governor and the first Lady of the state for their commitment to the protection of the rights of the child. Particularly I want to thank the governor for his support and intervention following the raid on the Child Rights and Rehabilitation Network by the agents of Helen Ukpabio and the Liberty Gospel Church on July 3 2009. On July 10 the governor visited the Center, pledged 10 million naira and promised the children scholarships and security to the staff. I hope other states will emulate the initiatives of Akwa Ibom state and put in place mechanisms to protect the rights of the child.

    Friends, you will agree with me that a lot of work still need to done before witchcraft related abuses are consigned to the dustbin of history. For instance the government of Akwa Ibom is currently prosecuting some pastors alleged to have abused children. But the prosecution is stalled because people are not coming forward to testify against these suspects.

    My good people of Akwa Ibom state, witch hunts will not stop unless witch hunters are punished for their crimes. So we must help the government bring these criminals to justice. And to the government I have this to say. You should be ready to protect and guarantee the security of those who testify against child abusers including those working to defend the rights of persons accused of witchcraft. People are not coming forward to testify because they fear for their lives. As you know children constitute a vulnerable group. And many of those who abuse children like parents, pastors or witch doctors are powerful or have powerful networks which they could use to victimize those who testify against them. If a child testifies against a parent who abused her, will the state provide her care and support? If a child testifies against a member of the community, will the government give him protection? If a child or a church member testifies against a pastor who tortured her during exorcism, will the government provide her security?
    To all these questions the government of Akwa Ibom and of Nigeria must answer an emphatic YES!

    Distinguished guests, combating witch hunt requires not only legislation or prosecution but also education. The prevalence of witchcraft related abuses is not only a failure of human rights and the rule of law but also a failure of public education and enlightenment. Once again we must commend the government of Akwa Ibom state for introducing free education up to secondary schools for children in the state.

    As part of the free education scheme, we enjoin the government to encourage the inculcation of scientific temper and critical thinking skills. Because today most people believe in witchcraft, indulge in and endorse witchcraft related abuses due to lack of scientific temper and critical thought. If most people in our society today believe in witchcraft, it is because superstition, religious indoctrination, brainwashing and dogma direct our educational system and family upbringing.

    Dear Friends, if we are meeting here early in the 21st century to discuss how to tackle the menace of witch hunt. It is a clear demonstration of how disconnected our society is from the rest of the world. It is an indication that we Nigerians are poor students of history. Because witch hunt is a problem which ‘the civilized world’ tackled and resolved centuries ago. Witchcraft is a non issue and has no place in any modern and developed society. Because witchcraft is superstition- that is a belief informed by fear and ignorance. And witchcraft related abuses prevail in our society because, over the years we have, by omission or commission, by benign neglect, indifference or apathy, allowed fear and ignorance to corrupt our minds and intellect. We have allowed the medieval mindset and stone age mentality to rule and ruin our culture.

    We have allowed dogma, blind faith and religious fanaticism to drive popular thought and conscience. What a shame.

    Distinguished guests, witch hunt is not new to our society. The persecution of those alleged to be witches and wizards has been going on for ages and predates the advent of christianity and other alien faiths and traditions. But you will agree with me that the wave of witch hunt that is currently sweeping across Akwa Ibom and other states in Nigeria is mainly driven by fundamentalist christianity and the literalist interpretation of the Bible. Some churches and prayer houses are fueling witchcraft accusation and stigmatization of children, women and the aged. Some pastors habitually attribute the problems in our families and communities to witches and wizards, and other agents of darkness (whatever that means). Pastors perpetrate various human rights abuses in the name of exorcising witchcraft. They incite their members to attack anyone alleged to be a witch. And in most cases they use Biblical verses like Exodus 22:18 to sanctify this message of hatred, this campaign of terror and violence.

    The time has come for us to call such churches to order and expose those unscrupulous pastors The time has come for us to stop all forms of witch testing, witch screening and witch deliverance sessions anywhere in the country.

    We must let everyone know that:

    Those who believe in witchcraft are ignorant. Those who refrain from challenging the claim of witchcraft are cowards. Those who defend the belief in witchcraft are slaves.

    Those who promote the belief in witchcraft are fools. Those who blame their problems on witches and wizards are idiots. Those who claim to deliver people from witchcraft like the Apostle in Calabar, are charlatans. Those who torture, persecute or kill persons alleged to be witches are criminals.

    Friends, I am not unaware of the risks, dangers and challenges facing us as humanists and human rights activists in the fight against witch hunt and religious fundamentalism in Nigeria. Particularly in a situation where many penticostal churches and their so called pastors, bishops, prophets, apostles, men and women of God have built their ministries on witch testing, screening and deliverance. As some of you may have heard, in July some members of the Liberty Gospel Church invaded the venue of our child rights conference in Calabar.

    They attacked me, and snatched my bag, my digital camera, and mobile phone. They tore my Tshirt and destroyed my eyeglasses. The police intervened and arrested one of them, Jeffrey Bassey who in his statement confirmed that they were sent to disrupt the event by Helen Ukpabio. Unfortunately, the police have yet to bring to justice those who perpetrated and masterminded the attack.

    Ladies and gentlemen, I want to make this clear. We shall not flee from witch hunters. We shall not be silenced by these charlatans and their gangs and goons. We shall not be cowed by the criminal plots of these evangelical throwbacks who use the pulpit to spread lies and hatred. We at the Nigerian Humanist Movement are determined to use reason, science, critical thinking and human rights to defeat these agents of Dark Age and barbarism. But we know we cannot do it alone. That is why we have invited you all to this event. We know we need your support and cooperation to win this battle against a cultural scourge. I hope this conference will offer us a veritable opportunity to identify and articulate strategies to tackle and combat witch hunt, christian fundamentalism and child abuse nationwide. Thank you.

  • Putting Human Rights First

    Judith Shklar, the American political theorist, wrote a famous
    essay entitled “Putting Cruelty First.” The contrast with my
    own title will be immediately obvious, but I would insist that
    the worldview which proceeds from both is essentially similar.
    What Shklar intended was that prior to any question of
    positive virtues and utopian ideals—before we throw around
    grand ideas about love and brotherhood—we need to achieve the
    seemingly simple yet nearly impossible task of protecting
    living beings from cruelty and injustice. As for my title,
    human rights may sound like a positive ideal, the sort of
    sweet nothing that ought to be anterior to the goal of saving
    the world from cruelty, but I would say that it is, in
    reality, a fairly plain, even negative goal, like that of
    Shklar. But that is only one more reason to pursue it with
    vigor and conviction.

    In a very limited sense, human rights are a positive goal, of
    course. They represent something we want to gain, rather than
    something of which we want to rid ourselves. Yet human rights
    do not promise universal love or complete human happiness,
    whereas utopian projects of various kinds, whether religious
    or secular, claim just that. The individual will be blessed
    with community, fellowship, and endless joy within the Kingdom
    of Heaven, where there will be no work, no strife, and no pain.

    In a world in which all people are guaranteed human rights,
    there will still be work, I must admit. There will still be
    pain and heartbreak and discord. Yet human rights do promise
    to do away with the grotesque extremes of cruelty in human
    society. In that sense, Shklar’s goal is very similar to my
    own. In a world with human rights, there will no longer be
    mass graves and torture chambers, gang rape and sexual
    terrorism, dictatorship and discrimination. Not only that,
    but the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) also
    guarantees positive freedoms, such as education, health care,
    food, and shelter, which allow people to live with a certain
    amount of dignity and the capacity to pursue ends they have
    reason to value.

    This vision of the world, in which each individual will be
    equal before the law, regardless of sex, race, tribe, or
    caste, will not appeal to all people. Admittedly, just about
    every government in the world claims to promote “human
    rights”: but just about every government fails to do so.
    There’s a reason that the UDHR passed with near unanimity—and
    there’s also a reason it is not legally binding. Of course,
    governments have a great deal to gain from not respecting
    human rights, as do patriarchs who benefit from sexist
    institutions, clergy who have reason to fear apostasy: and so
    forth. These, however, are not arguments which will seem
    compelling to the majority of us who are not in such
    positions. Those arguments which may sway us are those which
    address themselves to more positive ideals than “putting human
    rights first.” As humane and decent people will be tempted by
    these arguments, is my goal to address them.

    Putting human rights first, as I said at the beginning, is
    really quite a drab thing to do, and far less exciting than
    putting utopia first. But it is really the only thing that
    will lead to a better, more livable world. People will be
    sorely tempted to put at least one of the following four in
    its place, however, and I will deal with each in its turn:
    identity, power, political oppression, and love.

    FIRST ALTERNATIVE: IDENTITY

    Putting human rights first is all well and good, one might
    say—but then, no one really thinks in terms of human rights.
    It is not in our nature to think of ourselves as autonomous
    individuals outside of all time and place. Few subscribers to
    Facebook or Myspace announce in their “about me” section that
    they are human beings, first and foremost. We like to
    differentiate ourselves from other people: that’s part of what
    having a private identity means. We could of course identify
    as humans as opposed to animals, but given that animals can
    suffer and feel cruelty just as humans do, and therefore have
    a right to avoid both, the only available self-conception is
    that of a pain-accumulating living being, which leaves little
    scope for identity.

    Christopher Lasch, himself humane in his views and no friend
    to injustice, ascribes quite profoundly to this variety of
    argument. The liberal concept of the individual is a
    political fiction, he claims. People only exist in community,
    and any protest against injustice cannot appeal to an abstract
    humanity, but to traditional forms of identity, whether
    religious, ethnic, or geographic. As evidence, he cites the
    Civil Rights movement, which, he claims, was not brought to
    fruition thanks to the efforts of the secularists, humanists,
    and liberals who support civil rights as a matter of
    principle, but rather to the efforts of a traditional, deeply
    religious community. It is such community and the virtues of
    self-sacrifice, loyalty, and piety it lauds that lead people
    to behave justly, not liberal principles of justice.

    Of course, the dangers of putting identity first are only too
    apparent. It is undoubtedly true that people need some sort
    of identity and community to face the cruelties of the world.
    But what critics of liberalism and human rights do not
    understand is that no liberal wants to do away with identity.
    Such a thing is surely impossible. The goal of liberalism is
    to allow the individual to create a personal identity, or to
    discover a unique identity which suits her. Likewise,
    liberals embrace community, but one ought to be in a position
    to choose the community one wishes to be a part of, to remain
    tolerant of communities beyond one’s own, and so forth.

    However, to put community and identity first never seems to
    involve this aspect of private choice, because there are so
    many traditional, religious communities readily available.
    These exert a profound and understandable attraction. There
    will always be a temptation to abandon the headache of
    critical thinking and independent experiment and to retreat
    into a religious community with straightforward answers.
    There will always be a temptation to seek refuge in the arms
    of those who consider you one of their own simply because of
    your ethnicity, religious identity, or nationality. But the
    reverse side of the safety one finds in identity is the
    horrors that await those outside of the identity or without an
    identity to call their own.

    I see little evidence in history that identifying with a
    premodern community ever leads one to cultivate a humane
    disposition to those outside of the community in question. In
    Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, the traditional African
    village at the heart of the narrative is one Lasch might like
    to be a part of. It has its own ritual and religious
    community, and the people within it are bound together.
    Okonkwo, the strong man and patriarch, is certainly happy with
    his privilege, his numerous wives, and his slaves. There is
    always someone weaker to beat, some chance to showcase his
    strength. Yet his youngest son, Nwoye, is troubled by this
    reality in a way many of the other characters are not:
    particularly by the brutally casual way in which Okonkwo
    executes the family slave, Ikemefune, and by a disturbing
    incident he witnesses in which a pair of innocent twins are
    left to die in the woods (twins being a bad omen).

    There will always be Nwoyes in the world, just as human beings
    will always feel pity (even if pity tends to be overwhelmed by
    other impulses, such as selfishness or sadism). Nwoye, who no
    doubt would be a disciple of Judith Shklar, puts cruelty
    first: before community or identity. And for that he is
    ostracized and his life is threatened, even by his own father.

    These sorts of injustices are nearly universal in traditional,
    premodern communities. Christopher Lasch may point to the
    small African American communities in the South who made such
    a difference to the Civil Rights movement, but he is
    overlooking the equally traditional white communities in the
    South: those with Klansman’s robes and a hangman’s noose in
    every closet. Nearly every traditional community in history
    has been intolerant of personal choice. Such communities
    discriminate against difference, and it is with shocking
    rapidity that discrimination escalates into murder and brutality.

    The question, of course, is whether or not people can ever
    think of themselves in terms other than readymade,
    communitarian identities. To do so, admittedly, is a hard
    path to tread. Yet for those persecuted by traditional,
    blinkered communities, locked out of religious or ethnic
    identities, it is the only option: so one can only hope that
    such people will embrace universalist ideals which do not
    exclude them, such as human rights.

    SECOND ALTERNATIVE: POWER

    The second of the four alternatives will appeal less to the
    people of good will with whom I am mostly concerned, but it
    appeals to such an extraordinarily large number of people of
    bad will that I think I ought to address it. Human rights are
    of necessity founded upon a principle of human equality, as
    everyone knows. But there is always the possibility that
    people aren’t equal, don’t want to be equal, and will brook no
    equality.

    It is indeed possible that power worship is deeply,
    intractably rooted in human nature. We all desire power for
    obvious reasons: it allows us to satisfy our wants without
    experiencing any negative consequences. Leaving aside the
    very real human impulses of pity and altruism, the will to
    power does exercise a certain appeal. Yet we cannot all be
    powerful in this way without trampling over the power and
    freedom of our fellow beings. The liberal solution, the
    solution of the human rights movement, is to allow each
    individual to pursue her desires so long as she does not
    threaten the security, freedom, and capabilities of other
    people. This is about as satisfactory as we can get unless we
    want to live in a world run by the Marquis de Sade– but then
    maybe, just maybe, some of us do. This is the seductive
    appeal of power worship. If we cannot all be powerful and
    Godlike, perhaps we will settle for being subjected to the
    cruel designs of the powerful, and live vicariously through
    their actions.

    Thomas Carlyle noted this tendency and deemed it “hero
    worship”: and regarded it as one of the finest paths to human
    satisfaction. William Hazlitt also noticed it, yet it filled
    him with horror: “Each individual would (were it in his power)
    be a king, a God: but as he cannot, the next best thing is to
    see this reflex image of his own self-love, the darling
    passion of his breast, realized, embodied out of himself in
    the first object he can lay his hands on for the purpose. The
    slave admires the tyrant, because the last is, what the first
    would be.”

    It is no coincidence that just as the liberal experiment was
    getting underway, those famous Gothic novels and Byronic
    protagonists began entering the European literary scene. The
    heroes of the Enlightenment are the weak and abused: see
    Voltaire’s ingenuous protagonists who are subjected to the
    cruelties of an irrational world and an absent God, or
    Montesquieu’s seraglio inmates in The Persian Letters. The
    heroes of the anti-Enlightenment are the German princes of
    Gothic novels and Poe tales, the Childe Harolds of the world.
    They exist prior to and outside of any consideration of the
    necessary restraints one places on one’s sadism and power
    fetish: they use other people freely and fully. The
    appearance of the Byronic hero in later literature usually
    serves a similar purpose. F. Scott Fitzgerald’s This Side of
    Paradise might not generally be considered a great examination
    of cruelty, yet it is just that. The acts of cruelty
    portrayed therein are minor, but instructive. The
    protagonist, Amory Blaine, is a model of the will to power,
    whose time is consumed in meticulously reported petty
    rivalries and power struggles among the ubermenschen of the
    Ivy League.

    Why do people prefer this sort of hero to the hero of the
    Enlightenment? Few among us are Amory Blaines in real life.
    We all have very little power, and most of us are, hopefully,
    restrained in what we do to further our power by various moral
    considerations. Meanwhile, the powerful are not worthy of
    respect or deference. Because of their position they are
    uniquely placed to do us harm, and our first task should be to
    restrain their capacity to do so. If anyone is deserving of
    respect and deference, it is the world’s victims and Stoical
    sufferers.

    Admittedly, we cannot go through life believing in our
    absolute wisdom and refusing to show deference toward anyone.
    To expect the individual to approach every situation without
    advice and without instruction is far too much of a burden for
    anyone to bear. It makes sense to seek role models in one’s
    life. However, role models are respected for some
    understandable reason, and the individual may reject them if
    they fail to provide adequate guidance: the decision to show
    deference is one’s own. But power worship is something else
    entirely: it is the love of power for its own sake, the need
    to defer to something, anything, larger than oneself. This
    need is so strong that it has even conjured a superhuman being
    out of thin air in the form of God and endowed it with every
    conceivable power. This embodiment of arbitrary power is
    then, quite literally, worshipped.

    This is a disturbing habit of mind, and might conceivably lead
    people to put the love of power before the love of their own
    most basic human rights. This is a deadly possibility for
    those who still hope for human freedom. However, it
    ultimately seems unlikely. People worship power when they
    themselves are powerless. This is because they see no means
    of influencing their fate other than to placate the demands of
    those higher up. Yet in a world with human rights, all people
    will experience a basic level of dignity and power. And once
    their own destiny is firmly within their grasp, they will lose
    the desire to trust everything to greater beings. We will
    lose the false hope of controlling everything through the
    protection of the supernatural, yet we will gain the solid and
    very real joy of influencing and personally directing our own
    lives.

    THIRD ALTERNATIVE: POLITICAL OPPRESSION

    Putting political oppression first was a possibility dealt
    with by Judith Shklar, and I doubt I can improve on her
    discussion in this case. She recalls an incident from a
    Nadine Gordimer novel, Burger’s Daughter to be precise, in
    which the protagonist Rosa, raised by a communist father in
    South Africa and herself thoroughly anti-apartheid, discovers
    a poor black man expressing the frustrations of life by
    beating a helpless donkey. Rosa decides not to intervene,
    simply because she feels that the black man is the true victim
    in the scenario: the victim of untold racial injustice and
    governmental abuse.

    Shklar writes that Rosa has put political oppression before
    cruelty in the hierarchy of vices, and indeed she has. This
    sort of hierarchy of moral concerns can have a great deal of
    appeal, and has led more than a few people into condoning
    truly horrendous actions. Pushed far enough, the logic that
    the crimes of the victims are not crimes because they were
    born of earlier oppression can lead to an extreme nihilism.
    Worst of all, many of the people who begin with an opposition
    to political oppression are led around to supporting
    infinitely worse oppressions in the name of vengeance.
    Supporters of the Soviet regime were supposedly motivated by a
    hatred of capitalist injustice and cruelty, yet their own
    victims were dispatched in far greater numbers and in
    infinitely more horrible ways than any of those who suffered
    from industrial capitalism. And today, Western universities
    are full of postcolonial intellectuals who have decreed that
    everyone in the Third World is a victim of imperialism,
    including such poor benighted souls as Omar Bashir and
    Ayatollah Khamenei. Columbia’s Mahmoud Mamdani, for instance,
    has mounted a bizarre defense of the genocide in Darfur on the
    grounds that the United States has also killed innumerable
    civilians in Iraq. Granted that the war in Iraq is a
    perfectly legitimate target for humanitarian criticism, yet it
    has nothing whatsoever to do with the crimes of Bashir, the
    ruling regime in Iran, or any of the world’s human rights
    abusers, a list of which would make any decent person’s hair
    stand on end.

    To put rights before political oppression is the only
    consistent way to approach the world that will yield anything
    resembling a moral result. We must intervene on behalf of the
    donkey being beaten, because, whatever injustices are faced by
    the man doing the beating, the donkey is innocent in all of
    them. Granted that Africa and the Middle East have been used
    and abused as geopolitical pawns by great powers, yet that
    does not mean we should refrain from criticizing the human
    rights abuses committed by their governments. This is because
    such abuses are always directed toward the innocent, and
    toward children most of all.

    The urge to put the fight against political oppression ahead
    of the fight for human rights may affect a number of decent,
    humane people, but it ultimately plays into the notion that
    “our” atrocities are better than “their” atrocities, however
    us and them happen to be defined. But there is no “us and
    them”: an atrocity is simply an atrocity. Putting human
    rights first forces us to come to terms with this basic truth.

    FOURTH ALTERNATIVE: LOVE

    Another counterpoint to my thesis is the Gandhian critique of
    liberalism. Refraining from cruelty and respecting other
    people within the boundaries of human rights is a tame and
    drab human aspiration which will ultimately leave people empty
    and colorless. It is far better to treat people with active
    love and compassion, to seek them out and take an interest in
    their well-being, than to respectfully ignore them while
    pursuing one’s own ends.

    A great many opponents of injustice and lovers of humanity
    have been attracted to this line of thought, and have been led
    to put love first: prior, that is, to human rights. In
    Tolstoy’s short story Master and Man, we follow a selfish and
    cruel master as he plunges into a bitter snowstorm, despite
    his serf’s wise objections. Too arrogant to turn back or
    admit he made a mistake, the master chooses to jeopardize both
    his own life and the life of his servant. Not only that, but
    when things get truly precarious and there is a threat of
    dangerous wildlife taking an interest in the expedition, he
    attempts to abandon his serf and save himself. Yet here too,
    he is ineffective, and stumbles back to his “man.” And it is
    then that he discovers the joys of altruism and the true
    meaning of life: he chooses to freeze to death himself while
    protecting his serf from the cold.

    The story is deeply poignant, and shows the appeal of putting
    love first. Had Tolstoy put human rights first, the story
    would have been very different. It would have described the
    serf throwing off the shackles of the feudal relationship and
    striking out on his own. He would exercise and insist upon,
    in other words, his right to be a free agent. The master
    would remain as selfish as ever and would have remained
    unchanged after the encounter, apart from being down one serf
    in the final count. Tolstoy, however, chose not to write that
    story. He believed in the redemptive power of love over and
    above the forceful breaking of unequal and unjust power
    relations.

    In contrast to this doctrine of active love stands the
    doctrine of human rights, which can seem selfish and cold in
    comparison. Human rights insist that people be left alone in
    several key ways: that they be free to pursue their own goals
    in life and that they be given the necessary capabilities to
    do so. Human rights must always respect the decision of
    Ibsen’s Nora Helmer to leave the home rather than live the
    life of dutiful self-sacrifice. This aspect of individual
    freedom is essential to human rights and to liberalism: yet it
    is not incompatible with active love. In fact, love for other
    people entails respect for their choices, tolerance, and a
    refusal to practice cruelty, all of which are essential
    aspects of the liberal ethos.

    Meanwhile, let us examine the results of putting love before
    human rights. It seems that many religious movements do just
    that, with horrific results. Converts to Islam were no doubt
    bound to one another through love, yet if one looks at what
    Muhammad and the later caliphs did as a result, one sees that
    to the same extent that love and fellowship among the Muslim
    warriors increased, the horrors practiced on those outside of
    the religious fold increased as well. Muhammad was perfectly
    close with those who took power after his death, and was no
    doubt loved by those who converted to his banner. Yet
    innumerable innocents were killed or enslaved as a result of
    his campaigns.

    In Christianity, the story is rather similar, as Freud points
    out in Civilization and its Discontents. The faith enjoined
    its followers to treat one another with absolute love, which
    many of them did: yet the cruelties suffered by non-Christians
    during the Inquisition, the Crusades, and many other events,
    rose in proportion.

    Active love is no doubt a wonderful thing, far superior to a
    simple refusal to engage in cruelty, yet we must put human
    rights first: otherwise, people may feel love and egalitarian
    impulses for those within their chosen religion or identity
    group, and at the same time feel entitled to murder and
    enslave the rest of humanity or the animal kingdom. It is
    only once we have ensured that cruelty, enslavement, rape,
    murder, and all the other things which seem to accompany
    campaigns of love cannot happen that we can begin to go beyond
    human rights.

    As for the perceived selfishness of liberalism, the doctrine
    does indeed allow for the individual pursuit of happiness.
    Yet it is also a demanding doctrine to embrace. Human rights
    require respect for others, tolerance of free expression, and
    a willingness to engage frankly with opposing views. It
    requires an acceptance of eccentricity, diversity, and the
    private choices of the individual. In fact, human rights are
    some of the most difficult things for people anywhere to
    practice consistently. In contrast, the religious love of the
    Muslim invaders or the Christian crusaders or the Spanish
    conquistadors, who combined group solidarity with hideous
    violence against outsiders—this sort of ideology is the
    easiest in the world to adopt, as it satisfies the will to
    dominate and exploit while also giving an illusion of moral
    clarity.

    Meanwhile, liberalism, with its requirement that one set aside
    one’s own absolute ends in the name of peace, tolerance, and
    human rights, is a difficult, self-denying, but ultimately
    highly rewarding way to live. It is a doctrine that goes
    beyond mere political institutions, and grapples profoundly
    with the relation of the individual conscience to the outside
    world.

  • Debate or Change

    It is over 200 years since the Enlightenment offered the dream of freeing the Western world from the dead hand of the God of Abraham (TGOA), yet we still go round in circles debating his existence. “You cannot prove the existence of God.” “You cannot disprove it.” And so on ad nauseam, while the uncommitted and uninterested shrug their shoulders and say the jury is out, so forget it. One or other church still has its hooks into the fabric of most states in the Old and New Worlds, militant Islam has become a rallying point for protest against real or perceived Western imperialism in the Middle East, epitomised by the creation of the state of Israel, itself a permanent source of religious and international tension. Israel is also the focus for the lives of millions of American Zionists and End Timers for whom all issues are irrelevant other than the fulfilment of biblical prophecy and the advance of their own particular flavour of the Christian eschaton, creating a fundamentalist symbiosis with extreme Islam, a spiral of intolerance and violence eclipsing efforts to tackle the real problems of the world. Meanwhile the characteristic misogyny of Abrahamic religion not only continues to blight the lives of millions of women and children but has largely excluded female/maternal/matriarchal balance from the governance of nations and institutions. And monotheistic myopia, arrogance which deems all other religions and their peoples as inferior, still militates against equable engagement with other cultures and justifies ruthless exploitation and genocide.

    Unfortunately, apart from reassuring the sceptical reader that they are on the right page, recitations of the evils of religion will do little to change matters. To the faithful they only confirm the hostility and ignorance of “New Atheists”. In the same way that a recitation of faults never changed the neighbour-from-hell, insight is useless when arguing against faith. Believers will fall back on faith and the impossibility of disproving the existence of God (if you rely on logic and scientific method that is, but more of that later). And so the debate goes on, about the existence of this or that flavour of god, and whether science and religion are compatible or overlapping, but little changes, and despite the fact that the Church of England is losing market share, much of it is to more virulent sects, (hardly surprising under a man who believes that religion has something to do with humanity and compassion) and a suspicion looms that all the debates are smoke and mirrors, creating an illusion of business and action while the important things are happening elsewhere.

    THE CHRISTIAN AND ISLAMIC AGENDA

    If reason and argument in public debate is not the answer where do we start? A clue lies in how Christianity and Islam maintain their influence. Christian and Muslim leaders know their theses are irrational, and they also know that the surest way to ensnare the uninitiated with irrationality, and keep the numbers up, is to get them young. The indoctrination of children produces deep-seated proclivities, permanently setting logic gates in a one-way trip to certainty, while having religion as a legally established part of mainstream education ensures that the maximum number of children are infected for a minimum effort. There is also a by-product, instilling in the minds of the unconverted young an impression that Christianity is so important and ancient that dissent gainsays the voices of the centuries. It is this subliminal indoctrination that allows the privileged position of religion in education and legislation to be accepted as the norm and to go largely unchallenged.

    Current educational legislation, with compulsory daily Christian worship, dates no further back than the 1944 Education Act. Despite the rapid decline in public worship since then, this was strengthened by further Acts in 1988 and 1998. The legislation provides for mandatory religious education (RE) which should “reflect the fact that the religious traditions of Great Britain are in the main Christian.” Christianity thus remains an integral part of the background to most children’s’ education, creating an image of the permanence and authority of religion and the church.

    Then there is intelligent design and creationism (ID/C) which promotes a manifesto entitled “The Wedge Strategy”. This states “design theory promises to reverse the stifling dominance of the materialist worldview, and to replace it with a science consonant with Christian and theistic convictions.” It goes on: “If we view the predominant materialistic science as a giant tree our strategy is intended to function as a ‘wedge’ that, while relatively small, can split the trunk when applied to its weakest points.” IDC proponents believe that the weakest point in the trunk is Darwinian evolution, and the wedge is intelligent design.

    IDC has its centre in the Discovery Institute in Seattle, and it has an offshoot in the UK, an organisation called Truth in Science which in 2006 sent an ID/C information pack to thousands of teachers in UK secondary schools. This organisation is headed by a Professor Andy McIntosh of Leeds University, who is on record in the Evangelical Times in 2004 as saying that he could not accept any other account of the origins of life than the creation recorded in Genesis, and arguing that getting creationism into schools was the best way to convert non-Christians. The Truth in Science website still offers resources for the teaching of ID and also claims that “Nearly three in ten [teachers] said they either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the government’s guidelines on teaching evolution… ” This implies – and was reported in the broadsheet press as – 29% of teachers think intelligent design should be taught in schools. What they do not say is that “nearly 3 in 10” refers to the 29% of those that responded to an e-mail survey, which amounted to 3.3% of those actually canvassed, which was a fraction of the teachers in the UK. Truth in science?

    In addition to the subversion of young minds, Christianity and Islam also claim legal privilege against discrimination and defamation, largely through human rights and equality legislation, stretching the meaning of the provisions from protection of the individual to protection for the entire religion. Thus in the United Nations Council for Human Rights the 57 nation members of the Organisation of the Islamic Council have forced through a resolution, fortunately non-binding, equating “Islamophobia” with racism and attempting to outlaw any defamation or criticism of Islam including “hostile glances”. Similarly in the UK, Christian and Islamic lobbying has affected the unified Equality Bill currently before Parliament, in which it is proposed not just that individuals be protected from discrimination on religious grounds, but that religious organisations be given the right to discriminate against individuals for not belonging to a particular religion.

    The Vatican also uses its unique status as a sovereign state, which gives its seats in the UN and EU, to promote religiously biased legislation and to impose religious dogma on policy in education, AIDS and human rights. The supremely ironical example of this religious abuse of international institutions came in 2002 at the United Nations Children’s Summit in New York when the US and the Vatican allied with the Sudan, Syria, Iran and Iraq (all US designated sponsors of terrorism) to defeat a raft of proposals including a ban on the execution of children and young people under 18. A wonderful example of the power of religion to bring nations together in peace and harmony.

    This brief overview of religious activism in the UK and elsewhere is intended to show that (a) religious recrudescence has little to do with popular religious sentiment and a lot to do with political machinations, (b) the stakes are not philosophical truth and clarity, they are freedom of speech and thought, and democracy itself. Countering today’s religious activity will involve mobilising public opinion sufficiently to influence policy, and for that we need more than philosophical argument.

    WHAT’S NEW?

    If the dead hand is to be lifted, and the negative impact of TGOA on humanity and the planet mitigated, a different approach is needed. Reason is not the antidote to faith. Argument or confrontation simply increases resistance, entrenches dogma and even creates martyrs. The need however is not to convert the faithful but to convince the uncommitted and those not emotionally invested in faith that Christianity and Islam are antagonistic to their interests. The constituency of the uncommitted is far larger than the religiously active and represents a vast potential for change. The aim here is to show them that TGOA does not act in their interests, and the reason is that he is a fiction, because we now know when, why and by who he was invented, and that the structures built on that fantasy – the Bible, the Qur’an and all their consequences, because of this foundation on falsehood, are not just misleading but toxic to humanity and the planet we live on.

    The key to change lies in the fruits of modern archaeology and historical studies which have demonstrated emphatically that TGOA, the God of Judah and Israel, inherited, acknowledged and adopted by both Christianity and Islam, and the source of all monotheism in the world today, is a fiction, and a politically inspired fiction at that. The argument has been some 200 years in the making, but this is the case in short. There were two kingdoms, Israel and Judah, which emerged in the eastern highlands of Palestine/Canaan at the beginning of the first millennium BC. Their peoples were, and always had been, Canaanites, and their religion was originally Canaanite polytheism, This became henotheism (the worship of one God as supreme among many) when the god YHWH (later to become Yahweh or Jehovah to Christians; unpronounceable in Judaism and rendered as Adonai) was adopted by a nationalist political faction in Israel in the eighth century BC. The political ambitions of the YHWH faction unfortunately brought about the obliteration of their young kingdom by the Assyrian emperor, Shalmanesar V, in 724 BC.

    Many Israelites took refuge in the neighbouring kingdom of Judah and the YHWH faction continued their nationalist activities there, nurturing a dream of re-creating Israel. YHWH became the focus of the Israel faction, and eventually having achieved power in Judah, they repeated their forebears’ mistake of trying to punch above their weight in the imperial struggles of the eastern Mediterranean. (Palestine/Canaan was a nexus of trade routes between three continents and was coveted by every empire from the ancient Egyptian to the British.) The result of this political ambition was a reprise of the fate of Israel. Judah was crushed by the Babylonian emperor Nebuchadnezzar in 587 BC, and a large part of its population taken into slavery, the Babylonian Captivity, which however ended when the Persian Emperor Cyrus conquered Babylon in 539 BC. Amongst the spoils he found the Judahites, who he returned to their homeland, now a small province, Yehud to the Persians, some 60 by 40 miles square, in the fifth satrapy of the Persian empire.

    The Judahites had taken their worship of YHWH with them into bondage, and as their fortunes waned his stature had waxed. From being the only God for a true Israelite/Judahite to worship, he had become the Only God. And the Yehudim, as the Persians now referred to them, set about rearranging and rewriting the story of their people and their God to explain to themselves how they had come to be where they were, and why they and their God deserved better. And that self-justifying propaganda rewritten as history is what we know today as the Old Testament.

    The process of revealing that the Old Testament is not just fiction but political fiction, written by a set of big-time losers to persuade themselves that it wasn’t their fault, has taken 200 years. It started with the 19th century textual and philological work that showed that Moses and the prophets could not have written the Old Testament as was claimed by the church, and continued with 20th century archaeology and historical studies that asked why such outstanding events as the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt, the Exodus, and the setting up of the kingdom of David, stretching from Damascus to the Red Sea, are never mentioned in the history and records of the contemporary civilisations and empires . The process culminated with a revolution in late 20th century and 21st century archaeology and scholarship, when the archaeologists stopped digging to find the Bible and started interpreting their findings free from religious filters and agendas. The result was the revelation of the brief rise and fall of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, and the making of their creator god. The fall of Israel and Judah and the rise of their pseudo-god is well documented in, amongst others, The Bible Unearthed, Finkelstein and Silberman, (Simon & Schuster 2002). This was made into a BBC Television series of the same name, but even today the significance of its revelations has not sunk into the general consciousness.

    Christianity and Islam base all their claims on the existence and the authority of TGOA. Take away that god and that authority, as these findings do, and you are left with two ideologies which seek power by proselytising, propaganda, violence and interference in government. In other words political ideologies – but ideologies not intended or designed for the benefit of humans in this world, and therefore parasitic or cancerous, soaking up energy and resources to no end other than their own survival and growth.

    TOXIC FAITH

    But does it matter if faith is based on falsehood if the ends are good? In adopting TGOA as their own creator deity, Christianity and Islam have created a fantasy world, the supernatural or transcendent, and set it up to rule this world, and in doing so have created a labyrinth of supernaturally inspired rules, commandments, assumptions and beliefs about this world and its ordering, directed towards a supposed need for divine approval. These are not only misguided but are by their very nature toxic to human beings and the world itself. It is this connection between the tenets of Christianity and Islam and their toxic outcomes that must be made clear in raising awareness amongst the inactive majority about the real impact of faith in TGOA. The following are a few examples out of many possible of the consequences of drawing logical conclusions from the great falsehood.

    Because TGOA created the universe he is assumed to have had a purpose, and that purpose creates the linear view of existence, bringing into play the eschaton, the end of all things when the purpose is fulfilled, a concept not generally found in non-Abrahamic religions which tend to have a cyclic view of existence and are not timebound. Thus today we have the cults of End Timers and Rapture believers as a feature of American Christianity asserting that there is no need to worry about, or even care for, the environment because of the imminent second coming of the Messiah and the end of the world, to hasten which other American citizens are pouring millions of dollars into support for hard-line Israeli Zionists in an effort to bring about the conflict of the risen Christ and the Antichrist in the battle of Armageddon, the Millennium and the Day of Judgement.

    Why is TGOA male? Because he was originally one of a family of Canaanite gods with human characteristics. But that remnant of his Canaanite divinity translated into a monotheistic ideology has been an unmitigated disaster. In this worldview TGOA created man in his own image and woman was an afterthought, and that story still dominates the worldview of more than 2 billion people today. Pope John Paul II wrote in 2004, in his Letter to the Bishops of the Catholic Church on the Collaboration of Men and Women in the Church and in the World, referring to the first three chapters of Genesis, “In it the revealed truth concerning the human person as ‘the image and likeness’ of God constitutes the immutable basis of all Christian anthropology.” This document, signed by the Pope, was drafted by the then Cardinal Ratzinger, now Pope Benedict XVI. Apart from condemning women to the status of inferior beings, the authority of scripture subordinates all human relationships to the relationship between man and God, a true misogynists’ charter. (For a detailed exposition of the outcomes of this mindset see Does God Hate Women?, Benson and Stangroom, Continuum 2009.)

    Another corollary to creating an all-powerful creator God is the worldview mandated through sacred texts. The chief characteristic of Abrahamic worldview is dualism – the idea that there are two dimensions of existence, the natural and supernatural. The latter is the one inhabited by TGOA and the demons and hangers-on invented over the centuries by overheated imaginations. The supernatural is also the final destination of the supernatural part of the human being – the soul. It will surprise many to hear that the immortal soul and its supernatural home are virtually unique to Abrahamic religion. Even in Buddhism, which features reincarnation, there is no soul, and in fact attachment to the idea of an inherently existing self which exists after death is classed as one of the defilements of mind which must be erased if the devotee is to achieve nirvana. However this idea of duality is embedded throughout Western and middle eastern cultures. Even unbelievers will accept the idea of an eternal soul, and there are psychologists who assert that the desire and search for the transcendent or supernatural is an innate human characteristic, or who define religion in terms of belief in the supernatural and supernatural entities.

    These are only a few examples out of many of the toxic outcomes of Abrahamic faith and their impact on the world we know. So how can its effects be mitigated?

    WAYS AND MEANS

    The first priority in tackling the power of priests and imams is to stop the rot in education. The objectives being (a) to protect young people from religious propaganda, indoctrination, proselytising, misinformation and coercion in schools and (b) to provide an effective and objective education about religion as a prerequisite for learning in both schools and universities. The significant difference will be that instead of arguing from the point of view of a secularist/humanist minority, as The National Secular Society and of the British Humanist Association currently have to do, in future, arguments can be based on the right to protect children from religious propaganda touting demonstrable falsehoods, and with the ultimate aim of having Christian and Islamic organisations barred from the educational arena as parasitic political ideologies.

    The current position of religious education in schools (RE) is highly anomalous in that while mandatory it is not part of the national curriculum, with control of the syllabus in the hands of local authority Standing Advisory Committees on Religious Education (SACRE) and Agreed Syllabus Conferences (ASC), quasi-political bodies from which, for instance, Humanist representatives are excluded. The 1988 Education Reform Act also requires that the RE syllabus should “reflect the fact that the religious traditions of Great Britain are in the main Christian.” Thus, while RE is not permitted to proselytise or promote any particular faith, its provision is largely partisan and uninformed.

    Knowledge of religion and religious systems is essential to the understanding of virtually all arts or humanities and to many of the “soft” sciences, as well as to ridding science classrooms of ID/C. But religion cannot be studied in a vacuum – many religions are culturally specific and cannot be understood outwith that culture. You would not for instance expect to hear of many Jains or Shintoists who had not been born into Jain or Shinto communities or who had converted to those religions. Any objective study of religion needs to consider religion and culture together. In the circumstances RE cannot be allowed to remain as an “amateur” subject under the direction of local god-botherers. The whole subject needs to be redefined, included in the national curriculum, non-partisan syllabuses worked out and standards and qualifications for teachers set up, which would include degree courses. The problem of course is getting any political party to sign up to such radical reform, which is why mobilising uncommitted opinion against the current situation is so important.

    The next step in that mobilisation is promoting general awareness of the disingenuousness and toxic nature of Abrahamic religion. But it is not a simple question of dramatic revelation and instant change. We need to appreciate the extent to which monotheistic/Abrahamic concepts are embedded in our lives, and throughout Old and New World cultures. There are atheists today who still think that life in general must have a conscious purpose, or that belief in the transcendent is innate in the human psyche, not realising that these concepts are virtually unique to Abrahamic religion (and their derivatives such as Baha’i or Rastafarianism). As anyone working with addiction will attest, the first step in changing behaviour is to get acknowledgement that there is a problem. This involves bringing to the forefront of the consciousness things that people are normally aware of only as background, much of which will have been around since childhood, enabling people to see them in the cold light of day, together with their antecedents and consequences.

    Some examples have already been given – the linear view of existence deluding millions of people about the purpose of life, endangering the environment and dangerously exacerbating international tension, while the accidental gender of TGOA blights the lives of millions of women and children, and the Abrahamic worldview gives the dark robed ones unbelievable levels of control over the minds of the faithful, and even undermines Western psychology.

    These are only a few amongst many, the full exposition of the toxic effects of Christianity and Islam will have to wait for another day and place, but you can start working on your own examples by taking the four pillars of Abrahamic religion and working out their logical corollaries. The pillars are (a) asserting the existence of the single supernatural and omnipotent god, (b) asserting the truth of sacred texts which support that existence, (c) a class of hierophants who act as guardians and interpreters of the sacred texts, (d) a worldview derived from the texts and mandated by the priestly class.

    Some of the corollaries are the unconscious consequences of this model, e.g. the claimed authority of sacred texts breeds “the joy of being right”, one of the most dangerous emotions known to mankind, and one which naturally leads to confrontation, conflict and violence, becoming particularly destructive when allied to clerical preference for identifying with and reinforcing the will and power of the state. Others are logical structures that the dark robed ones build on the original assumptions, e.g. sin and punishment and rewards in the afterlife, and having to invent Limbo, in which the souls of unbaptised children have to wait until the day of judgement (necessary because the idea of unbaptised souls going straight to heaven would undermine the necessity for church and clergy, the ultimate abomination).

    The exercise of working out the consequences of Abrahamic assumptions can become quite depressing, and it is not much helped when you begin to realise that any unpleasant aspect of monotheistic religion can generally be traced back to origins in this model, while the positive aspects can usually be attributed to the natural social characteristics and creative talent of human nature. It becomes even more interesting to realise that very similar models to the four pillars can be found in totalitarian political ideologies – communism or fascism – which begin to look like post-enlightenment imitations of Christianity with a human Big Cheese – Stalin, Mussolini, Pol Pot etc – instead of TGOA, the Bible substituted by Das Kapital, The Little Red Book, Mein Kampf etc and The Party or the SS acting as the hierophantic guardians. They also tend to have their own unique worldviews to impose on the masses – historical dialectic, eugenics and lebensraum for the master race etc. All of which begs the question, are totalitarian ideologies godless religions, or are Christianity and Islam totalitarian ideologies masquerading as religions?

    THE POLITICAL FRONT

    Alongside drives for education and awareness their needs to be a political agenda. The NSS and BHA have been working for years against religious privilege in the political arena, on behalf of non-believers of the UK. Unfortunately they are limited to campaigning as minority interest groups. That effort needs to be enhanced and supported by assertion, on a wide front, of the prima facie case that Abrahamic religion is based on demonstrable fictions and that (a) children should not be exposed to Abrahamic indoctrination outside the home and family environment and (b) Abrahamic religions should be treated as special interest groups with no status or privilege not attaching to any other such group. The ultimate objective would be the disestablishment of the national churches and the identification under law of Abrahamic religious organisations as political movements.

    It would be futile to expect any of the major parties to adopt such policies in the near future, but this still has to be a long-term goal, creating a level of public awareness and opinion that eventually forces one or more of the parties to realise that they stand to lose more votes by protecting organised religion than by stripping it of its privileged status. A useful comparison is to think of how long the struggle against tobacco has been going – over 50 years ago. With change of this magnitude it is not unreasonable to think in terms of generations, but if change can be achieved in the educational arena, future generations will include more people aware of, and wary of, the illusion and deceit intrinsic in Christianity and Islam.

    This has been mainly about English-speaking people, typically in the UK. There is another plane on which the works of TGOA can be seen, that of major world issues – armed conflict, degradation of the environment, suppression of human rights, AIDS, poverty and gender equality, and a similar process of raising awareness of the impact of Abrahamic religion as a contributory cause or as an obstacle to mitigation in these fields is called for. This is a far larger canvas, on a global scale, in which the suffering of the victims dwarfs our concerns for freedom of speech and democracy in the UK. The scale of injustice and suffering can numb the mind, but it is all part of the same problem, needing witness and exposure to mobilise popular opinion behind those already at work.

    ENDWORDS

    It must be stressed that nothing here is intended to impinge in any way on any individual’s freedom of religion. This is aimed solely at limiting the political power and influence of Christianity and Islam. Any campaigning needs to include measures to engage with and reassure individuals that their rights are not being targeted and that there is no question of confrontation or threat. There is no reason why people should not carry on practising their preferred religion if they accept that it brings no rights or status that do not attach to any other special interest group, just as multitudes of Christians and Muslims already do today. Amongst Christianity for example the Friends (or Quakers) have a way of life and practices that are unexceptionable to all but the most bigoted. It would come as no surprise to find that many people, who perhaps take their inspiration from the Sermon on the Mount rather than Leviticus, might find Jesus sufficient to their needs without burdening themselves with TGOA and all that he brings with him.

    This has been a polemic against organised Abrahamic religion with no axe to grind with any other religion, which also implies, correctly, that I do not see atheism as the necessary alternative to Abrahamic religion. There are a myriad alternative ways of leading a happy, fulfilled and spiritually rich life, either with or without committing to a belief or system or shutting yourself off from the world, and it cannot be said too strongly that taking away the fiction that is TGOA does not make human beings in any way less spiritual. And is atheist such a useful label? It means defining oneself in terms of a construct in someone else’s imagination. That is too much like fighting a battle on ground of the enemy’s choosing.

  • Sketching faces for the faceless, giving voices to the unheard

    The best place to sell copies of the Quran is in front of the mosque, my grandfather once told me. I begin this piece with that advice in mind. To borrow a phrase from Ophelia Benson, this is not about a donation from a deity, but this is about a congregation of the faithful. This is about introducing a new independent magazine of human rights journalism to one of the largest forums of humanists online – Butterflies and Wheels. If you are a regular at B&W, I take that your faith in humanity, freedom and liberty counts above everything else and that is why you might be interested about this new magazine we have launched.

    I am sure some of you have read articles from the first issue of Independent World Report since Ophelia – who is also one of our editorial advisers – mentioned this in one of her posts. If you have not already, you are invited to browse our website at http://www.independentworldreport.com to see if this is something you want to be part of.

    Launched this September, Independent World Report is a bimonthly print magazine – a global briefing on human rights, international politics, peace and justice. A newsmagazine that celebrates and advocates freedom and liberty. Our mission is to highlight the forgotten and untold stories of the world through in-depth reportage and critical analysis.

    The need for such a publication at this hour is to be assessed in a broad context. For that we need to look at the international human rights establishment first.

    This is a typical example of how the establishment works. This March, in a bizarre game of international politics, some of the worst human rights abusers in the world — Azerbaijan, Bahrain, China, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Russia, Saudi Arabia and others — ganged up at the United Nations Human Rights Council and through a non-binding resolution declared that any kind of criticism of religion is to be deemed as human rights violation.

    Among other things, the resolution (a) claims that “Islam is frequently and wrongly associated with human rights violations;” (b) “deplores the use of [the media] to incite acts of violence, xenophobia, or related intolerance and discrimination against any religion, as well as targeting of religious symbols and venerated persons;” and (c) “calls upon all states… to ensure that religious places, sites, shrines and symbols are fully respected and protected…”

    So, when a teenage girl in Pakistan is flogged as per the shariah; when young men are executed in Iran for the anti-Islamic crime of homosexuality; when people’s wrists are chopped off in Saudi Arabia or eight-year-old girls are married off to forty-seven-year-old men as per divine prescriptions; we are not supposed to question the role of religion in those societies, because, that will be a human rights violation. And while the Ahmadiyyas in Pakistan and Indonesia, Bahais in Iran, Shias in Bahrain, Uyghurs in China or Chechens in Russia are persecuted, we must hold the Western media responsible for violence, xenophobia, intolerance and discrimination.

    Of course, all of these make sense as the Human Rights Council now propagates the notion that religious places, sites, shrines and symbols shall enjoy respect and protection, while we – the mere mortals – are left to the worst forms of abuses and oppression.

    Now, when it comes to human rights abuses and trampling of freedom and liberty, governments and institutions across the globe remain the major perpetrators or sponsors. Given this, we need to question the merits of the efforts by organisations advocating rights and freedoms. How much are we really going to achieve by lobbying with the United Nations, the European Union or the White House? What results are we trying to get by petitioning Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran or Islom Karimov of Uzbekistan? Why is the human rights question most often dealt in an exclusively legal discourse, inaccessible to most of us who are not experts on international law, conventions, treaties or agreements?

    In a way, Independent World Report is founded in response to these questions. A magazine of humanist and internationalist journalism for the people who care and want to be informed about the state of human rights, freedom and liberty around the world. Governments and international agencies are not our audience. We are not funded by George Soros et al. and have no plans for trips to Saudi Arabia for fund-raising with the elites there.

    That is why you are a crucial part of the equation. Independent World Report is a reader-supported publication as we are supported directly and only by our readers who buy yearly subscriptions to the magazine. If you like this new magazine and want us to succeed in our editorial mission please consider subscribing. Your subscription alone will support this independent publication.

    As a subscriber, you will get each new issue of the print magazine – 52 pages printed in full colour – posted to you. For €45, you can buy a yearly subscription, 6 issues. That is 50% off the cover price and postage. By subscribing, you will directly contribute to our mission of reporting the forgotten and untold stories of the world.

    Our subscribers are our supporters. We recognise this by publishing the names of our subscribers in our website and the magazine. To ensure that your name appears in the next issue of the print magazine please subscribe before November 10.

    As we are trying to build a new global platform of independent journalism, we hope that you will join us.

    Tasneem Khalil – a Bangladeshi journalist now in exile in Sweden – is the Editor & Publisher of Independent World Report. For story tips, feedback or submission queries write to iwr@independentworldreport.com

  • Five Scheduled Executions in Iran

    Appeal to U.N. for Stopping Execution of Political Prisoners in Iran
    To Mr. Ban Ki-Moon, the General Secretary of the United Nations
    (Also to all freedom-loving people and all governments of the Free World)

    Five prisoners are scheduled to be executed in Iran on charges of taking part in protests following the fraudulent presidential election in June. All freedom-loving people, free-world governments, and particularly the U.N. must intervene in this gross violation of human rights by the Iranian Islamic regime.

    Following the fraudulent presidential election in Iranian, Tehran’s Revolutionary Court has recently sentenced five political activists to death, and their execution has been scheduled. With all due respect, we all freedom-loving Iranians expect you, the people and authorities of the free world, to call on the Iranian authorities to halt these death sentences.

    Among those five activists, Mohammad Ali Zamani was sentenced to death on October 18. He is among the hundreds of detainees, who were brought before Tehran’s Revolutionary Court on June 12. In reality, Zamani was arrested before the presidential election for his membership in a monarchist circle. He was, thus, in prison during the election, as well as during the post-election revolution in Iran. However, he has been sentenced to death on the charge of taking part in the post-election protests.

    Three other prisoners waiting for their execution, namely Arash Rahmanpour, Hamed Rouhaninejad and Davoud Faricheh Mirardebili, were convicted of being members of a monarchist circle. The fifth prisoner, Nasser Abdolhosseini, awaiting execution, is sentenced to death for his connection with the People’s Mojahedin Organization. The accused, deprived of their right to defence, were forced to confess against themselves by repeating a readout fabricated by the judicial authorities.

    Reports say that these scheduled executions can be a prelude to wide-ranging executions of political prisoners in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). The IRI has frequently committed such crimes, the 1988 massacre of political prisoners being a notorious example. It has been charged with genocide for killing several thousand political prisoners between June and September 1988, when all factions of the regime worked side by side.

    Violation of human rights has a long history in Iran. It has now turned critical after the sham June election. The Iranian regime uses various methods of torture (including psychological torture), torture of persons close to prisoners, rape, and drugging in order to crush their resistance. Human rights violation in Iran is widely documented; there are many photographs and video films showing violent actions of the IRI security forces toward peaceful demonstrators. Other reports refer to many cases of torture and mistreatment of political prisoners.

    Given the biased and atrocious character of the Iranian judiciary, we solicit you for an immediate intervention by pressuring the Iranian regime to stop these scheduled executions. There is no way that the Iranian people can go to court and use lawful ways to contest these death sentences, because the Iranian judiciary is a tool of repression of the Islamic regime. Mr. Secretary General, please express your concern about these planned executions by reminding the Iranian authorities that Iran is a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

    We also believe that the ongoing Iranian nuclear issue should not overshadow your concern about the human rights catastrophes in Iran. It is expected that your esteemed institution would send a human rights panel to scrutinize and control the violation of human rights in Iran.

    October 21, 2009

  • The Mortal Coil

    In the 1970s and early 1980s, Colin Brewer was a Birmingham University Research Fellow attached to the British Pregnancy Advisory Service and also its psychiatric advisor. He published several papers about various aspects of abortion in peer-reviewed journals, including the British Medical Journal and also wrote articles about abortion for the better class of newspapers and weeklies. In retirement, he maintains an interest in abortion politics.

    If anyone wants to set up a Museum of Irony and Paradox, the main exhibit ought to focus on abortion because it attracts so much of the stuff. There’s the capital punishment paradox – the fact that among ‘pro-life’ anti-abortionists, with their often traditional set of moralities, are quite a few hangers and floggers. There’s the historical irony that we get lectures on the sanctity of life from the spiritual heirs of Torquemada, Calvin and Bloody Mary, to mention only the Christian kind. There’s the fact that a large proportion of human pregnancies end in very early spontaneous abortion (the term ‘miscarriage’ usually describes spontaneous abortion later in pregnancy) which suggests that the putative deities of the fundamentalists can’t be very worried about maximising foetal survival. (Since many of these early abortions seem to involve abnormalities that would lead to severe birth defects if the pregnancy went to term, it also suggests that the deities could be described as Foetal Darwinists.) Then there’s the peculiarly American irony that the Southern fundamentalists, who have only recently got over their enthusiasm for church-sanctioned slavery and segregation, are among those most concerned to limit the availability of publicly-funded abortion services. This would have the biggest impact on the disproportionately black poor, who will thus be disproportionately forced into early and typically single motherhood with all the well-documented problems it generates for them and their children. Middle-class women will, as usual, navigate the obstacles more easily, even if they have to go interstate or abroad. Delaying motherhood will increase their education and employment prospects, further increasing their life-chances compared with their poorer counterparts.

    For me, though, the most delicious irony has always been the way in which anti-abortionists reveal their fundamental dishonesty and hypocrisy over the little matter of the millions of very tiny ‘unborn babies’ (aka. ‘potential Beethovens’) who are, to use their terms, ‘murdered’ every year by the action of contraceptives, especially but not exclusively the intrauterine device (IUD) or ‘coil’. The deliciousness of the irony is increased because some of the dishonesty (though none of the hypocrisy) comes from the pro-choice lobby as well.

    Ever since IUDs were introduced around the time British abortion law was reformed in 1967, it was obvious that they worked in a number of ways, including the destruction of tiny Beethovens (and of course, tiny Hitlers or Stalins) during the first few days after fertilisation and before or after the implantation of the blastocyst – the embryo’s initial and tiniest manifestation.[1] They are therefore at least part-time abortifacients (ie drugs or devices that cause abortion) and they remain abortifacients even if most of the time, they prevent pregnancies by killing or inhibiting sperm and/or ova before they can unite. The fact that the tiny Beethovens who are aborted at this stage are barely visible to the naked eye does not prevent the Vatican from asserting that they are large enough to accommodate a soul, though this evidence-free assertion dates, along with papal infallibility, only from 1870. Previously, Rome – in common with Islam – held, equally without evidence, that ‘ensoulment’ took place later, at 40 days for a male foetus and 80 days for a female (and presumably at 60 days for the occasional true hermaphrodite). Until the 1830s in Britain, inducing an abortion was not an offence under common law unless it took place after ‘quickening’ – ie around 18-20 weeks’ gestation.[2] Even after seven weeks of development and perhaps two missed periods, our little Beethoven is barely ¾ inch/18mm long. (In trendy, 21st-century Oklahoma, they naturally have a more modern version of the Beethoven argument. It was proposed, and very nearly enacted, that women seeking abortion, even after rape, had to watch and listen while a doctor did an ultrasound examination of the foetus and described its cute little fingers. According to The Guardian, ‘The sponsor of that law, the Republican state senator Todd Lamb, said it was intended to give the mother “as much information as possible about that baby” because it might grow up to win the Nobel prize.’)

    Today, there are two types of IUD. The simpler kind is a T-shaped bit of plastic, wrapped around with copper wire. The combination of mechanical and inflammatory action from a foreign body barging around in the uterus and the local toxic effect of copper makes things difficult for sperm and fertilised or unfertilised ova. In the other sort, sometimes called an intrauterine system, the device is impregnated with hormones that may reduce (but are not guaranteed to prevent) ovulation, or implantation. However, for both types, the product information sheets concede (though usually not very prominently) that causing early abortion is among the modes of action and that people with strong views on these matters may prefer to use other methods. As a fairly recent review in a leading obstetric journal concluded, ‘although prefertilization effects are more prominent for the copper IUD, both prefertilization and postfertilization mechanisms of action contribute significantly to the effectiveness of all types of intrauterine devices.’[3] They also apply to some types of oral contraceptive but I will leave those out of the argument.

    Let’s look at what ‘postfertilization mechanisms of action’ means, using the language of ‘murdered babies’. There are currently over 150 million IUD-users world-wide. Apart from the 100 million of them who live in China and are thus mostly beyond the reach of anti-abortionists inspired by Abrahamic religions (the only ones that seem to bother about it much) that means 50 million women, each of whom might be murdering at least one soul-equipped baby every year, even if they only release three or four ova in that time. That could mean 50 million induced abortions a year, which is far more than the total combined annual live births of Europe and the USA, let alone the much smaller total of notified legal abortions. Even if the true figure for IUDs is only a tenth of that, 5 million is still an awful lot of minced-up micro-Beethovens, though far fewer than are lost in the daily Malthusian wastage and Darwinian weeding-out of defective embryos.[4]

    The essence of anti-abortionism is that destroying a tiny embryo is morally the same as destroying a full-grown baby. Anti-abortionists have to maintain that, or their case collapses. They also have to maintain (and most of them do) that ‘humanity’ begins at fertilisation. That is why the Society for the Protection of Unborn Children (SPUC) campaigned vigorously but ineffectively a few years ago in Britain against increasing the availability of post-coital ‘morning after’ contraception; which works – whichever method is used – by ensuring, finally, that if a fertilised ovum results from the coitus in question, it is aborted, either by the prescribed medication or, less often, by inserting an IUD. One or two anti-abortionists did try to argue that ‘humanity’ began at implantation rather than at fertilisation, so that IUD’s were acceptable as contraceptives but they encountered two unanswerable objections. The first was that if they could move the goalposts to suit their morality, so could the pro-choice tendency. The second was that in any case, IUDs could clearly work not only after fertilisation but also after implantation. After all, IUDs very occasionally fail to prevent pregnancy from getting established and even going to full term. If such a pregnancy occurs, there is an increased chance that the embryo will be implanted and grow in the Fallopian tube beyond the mechanical reach of an IUD, presumably because an embryo that did manage to get implanted in the uterus would be more at risk of being dislodged or lethally damaged by the device. Accordingly, I used to have some innocent fun by writing to prominent British antiabortionists along the following lines.

    You apparently regard the fertilisation of the ovum as the starting point of humanity. I do not share this view but it is not an entirely dishonourable one. However, you may not realise that IUDs work not only by preventing fertilisation but also by destroying the fertilised embryo during the first week or two of its existence, both before and after implantation. Most of the hundreds of thousands of British IUD-users are sexually active, so they could each be having an early abortion several times every year. This makes for an awful lot of murders of potential Beethovens (as you regularly portray them) and probably amounts to far more ‘murders’ than all the abortions formally notified under the provisions of the Abortion Act of 1967. If you really are as outraged by abortion as you claim, you will, of course, want to make it very clear that you are just as outraged by those who manufacture, fit and wear IUDs as you are by those involved in murder/abortion at later stages of pregnancy. I therefore invite you to make an immediate public statement to that effect. Alternatively, if you feel unable to make such a statement, I invite you to explain why you regard the destruction of a mini-Beethoven at one or two weeks as so much less worthy of your indignation than the destruction of the same mini-Beethoven two or three months later.

    Among the people I wrote to were the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Westminster (the late Cardinal Basil Hume) and several MPs, including the flamboyant and normally very articulate Leo Abse. (Liberal on most issues, he was one of the chief parliamentary defenders of the 1861 Offences Against the Person Act which outlawed abortion.) I still have a collection of wonderfully evasive letters from these worthies. Mr Abse was struck uncharacteristically dumb and declined to continue the correspondence. Cardinal Hume eventually conceded that if what I said about the mode of action of the IUD was true, then the point I had made was an important one. He reminded me of his church’s traditional opposition to all forms of contraception but he never subsequently referred in public to the issue. Pope John Paul II (to whom I didn’t write) mentioned IUDs briefly and in passing as part of a general attack on abortion in the early 1980s but rarely referred to the matter thereafter. He never, as far as I know, singled out IUDs, despite their numerical importance in any calculation of murdered Beethovens.

    To publicise the issue, I even devised a little stunt. Together with another medical journalist and a legal expert, I watched the late Peter Huntingford, a professor of obstetrics, insert an IUD into the uterus of a prominent women’s magazine editor. We all then signed a letter testifying that we had witnessed this illegal procedure, namely using an instrument, (specifically an IUD) to procure a miscarriage, contrary to the 1861 Act, and without the two medical opinions, medical reasons and other bureaucratic requirements of the 1967 legislation. We then jointly posted this explosive document through the Director of Public Prosecutions’ letter box. Our bit of street theatre got into the papers but produced absolutely no response. After several months and several reminders, a weary letter from the DPP informed us that he would not take any action against Professor Huntingford despite our request that he should do so. Significantly, he did not argue that no law had been broken.

    Short of inviting Cardinal Hume to be one of the witnesses, I couldn’t have done more to alert anti-abortionists to the medical facts about IUDs but they have remained very reluctant to mention the matter. The reason is obvious. They know that most people – probably including most Catholics – know the difference between an acorn and an oak tree and know that destroying an acorn, or even a small oak sapling, is not the same as cutting down a tree. They know that opposition to contraception is a political dead duck, even in Catholic countries. Finally, they know that most people cannot get very worked up about the moral status of something that is almost invisible to the naked eye but they dare not say that murdering unborn babies doesn’t matter provided that they are only little ones, because that is exactly the position of the pro-choice lobby. We differ only in our definitions of ‘little’ and all such definitions are largely arbitrary.

    Instead, antiabortionists concentrate on abortions that take place after the foetus has begun to resemble a very tiny (about 1 inch/2.5cm long) humanoid about ten weeks after fertilisation, which is around the time when most induced abortions are performed. Films such as ‘The Silent Scream’ argue that abortion is wrong not only because it is murder but also because it is cruel, because it involves dismembering living mini-Beethovens. This is often backed up by heart-warming reports that long before delivery, the foetus can respond to music as well as to pain. The problem with this highly emotive argument is that pain that isn’t remembered isn’t really pain in the usual senses of the word. If that weren’t the case, we would presumably insist on delivering all babies under general anaesthesia or by Caesarian section because being squeezed through the birth canal for several hours would be extremely painful. After all, it is such a tight fit that the bones of the foetal skull are often forced to overlap to make the head small enough to pass. We would also surely insist that the neonatal circumcision practised by Jews and Moslems should be done under anaesthesia as well. Babies certainly scream during this procedure (I performed it without anaesthesia several times on new-born Australians when it was still fashionable) but they never remember it as adults, any more than they remember being born. Surgical patients under light anaesthesia also react visibly when the knife goes in or when their fractures are manipulated but unless the anaesthetic is far too light, they don’t remember it either. So, ‘Silent Scream’ is misleading.

    One might expect that pro-choice exponents and the Family Planning movement would welcome the IUD argument but in practice, they too tend to keep quiet. Their reasons are very similar to those of the antis but their motivation is very different. Many anti-abortionists are old-fashioned sexual moralists whose ideological ancestors fought similar battles against contraception a few generations ago. As well as being often genuinely exercised about the deaths of tiny babies with not-so-tiny souls, their ranks include many tedious male supremacists who fear giving women control over their own fertility and sexuality. Obviously, the family-panning and pro-choice exponents are about as far away from that position as it is possible to be but they fear that by mentioning the abortifacient effects of IUDs, they may deter some women from using a particularly efficient contraceptive method that is also very cost-effective. This is not hypocritical but it is dishonest. They also feared (until President Obama reversed American policy very recently) the displeasure of the US government, which banned all financial aid to family-panning programmes that involved, promoted or even discussed abortion. (A US government-funded internet contraception library recently prevented users from searching for articles containing the word ‘abortion’ until protests caused it to relent.) Consequently, one of the strongest and most embarrassing arguments to use against anti-abortionists – that they are a bunch of hypocrites – is rarely deployed. I discussed my conclusions a few years ago with a leading international figure in the world of population control and family planning. ‘You’re quite right, of course’ he said, ‘but you absolutely must not quote me.’

    Surely it is now safe for the IUD to come out of the closet? The inconvenient truth has been published in learned journals for over 30 years and even the US government cannot pretend that it neither knew nor cared about it. I think it would not now dare to withdraw funding from IUD programmes, especially in countries where its advantages make it a preferred method of contraception. Surely not even George W. Bush (father of a mere two children) believed that the lot of poor women and their families would be improved by being forced to bear more children than they can support in countries where the process of childbirth is often still lethally dangerous? Properly presented, I think the IUD argument can breach the moral defences of the antiabortionists (and the anti-stem-cell and anti-embryo research lobbies) more effectively than any other. Their leaders knew that millions of IUD-induced early abortions were taking place every year but they mostly preferred not to acknowledge them and said virtually nothing. Where does that leave their moral credibility and authority?

    REFERENCES

    1. Smart YC, Fraser IS, Clancy RL, Roberts TK, Cripps AW. Early pregnancy factor as a monitor for fertilization in women wearing intrauterine devices. Fertil Steril. 1982 Feb;37(2):201-4.

    2. Brahams D. Medicine and the law. The postcoital pill and intrauterine device: contraceptive or abortifacient? Lancet, 1983 May 7;1(8332):1039.

    3. Stanford JB, Mikolajczyk RT. Mechanisms of action of intrauterine devices: update and estimation of postfertilization effects Am J Obstet Gynecol, 2002 Dec;187(6):1699-708.

    4. Rolfe BE. Detection of fetal wastage. Fertil Steril. 1982 May;37(5):655-60.

  • An Open Letter to Sen. Jeff Sessions and the 29 Other Male Republican Senators

    Dear Male Senators:

    All of you recently heard testimony about the case of Jamie Leigh Jones, a young woman who was sexually assaulted in 2005. Ms. Jones had been working for defense contractor Halliburton/KBR in Baghdad, Iraq when she was drugged and raped by seven co-workers. After reporting her rape to the company, she was kept locked in a shipping container without food or water for approximately one day and warned that if she left Iraq to receive medical treatment, she would lose her job.

    Halliburton later informed Ms. Jones that her employment contract prohibited her from bringing sexual assault charges to court, and would require her to settle her complaints through private arbitration. Although the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals recently ruled that Ms. Jones’ injuries were not related to her employment and therefore not subject to the restrictions of her contract, that ruling is necessarily limited to the jurisdiction of this court, and is no guarantee of assistance to victims outside of that jurisdiction. Additionally, Halliburton has appealed the ruling in an attempt to prevent the case from going to court. Testimony provided by Ms. Jones and by other female coworkers indicates that other cases of sexual harassment have occurred and have also not been properly addressed.

    To prevent future incidents of this kind, Senator Al Franken (D-Minnesota) recently introduced an amendment (Franken Amendment. No. 2588) to the Defense Appropriations Bill that would prevent companies that use mandatory arbitration clauses from receiving federal funds. That is, unless a company agrees to extend the federal, constitutionally guaranteed right to pursue charges within the court system, they would not be eligible for federal money. This amendment would apply in all cases of rape or assault that occur at companies eligible for federal funds, regardless of the gender of the victims. The Franken amendment passed with 68 votes in its favor, and with you 30 male Republican senators in opposition. For the record, the 30 of you who opposed the amendment are:

    Alexander (R-TN), Barrasso (R-WY), Bond (R-MO), Brownback (R-KS), Bunning (R-KY), Burr (R-NC), Chambliss (R-GA), Coburn (R-OK), Cochran (R-MS), Corker (R-N), Cornyn (R-TX), Crapo (R-ID), DeMint (R-SC), Ensign (R-NV), Enzi (R-WY), Graham (R-SC), Gregg (R-NH), Inhofe (R-OK), Isakson (R-GA), Johanns (R-NE), Kyl (R-AZ), McCain (R-AZ), McConnell (R-KY), Risch (R-ID), Roberts (R-KS), Sessions (R-AL), Shelby (R-AL), Thune (R-SD), Vitter (R-LA), and Wicker (R-MS).

    At this time, only some of you have stated reasons for opposing this amendment. The media has not yet given much coverage to this amendment or to your votes, so I cannot be sure that most Americans have heard your reasons. I can tell you that I am disappointed that you voted against the amendment, and I’m even more disappointed with your stated reasons for doing so. I also suspect that if more people were aware that you opposed an amendment intended to help rape and assault victims, my disappointment would be widely shared.

    Senator Jeff Sessions, you have been the most vocal of the amendment’s opponents. Based on the limited commentary of your peers who also voted against the amendment, I have to assume that they share your reasoning, and my responses to you should therefore be seen as responses to all.

    In the recent floor debate, you argued that the amendment over-reached by seeking to regulate employment contracts, and you noted that, “The Congress should not be involved in writing or rewriting contracts. That’s just not how we should handle matters in the United States Senate, and certainly not without a lot of thought and care and the support of, at least, the opinion of the Department of Defense.”

    This position is unsupportable. First, the Constitution provides certain rights to all United States citizens, along with assurance that neither federal nor state governments can infringe on those rights. These guarantees are generally understood to extend to institutions that receive federal funds. Protection of such guarantees was the basis for civil rights legislation during the 1960s, including desegregation of public schools. Although private institutions may have some latitude in this regard, they have historically been required to provide the same guarantees if they receive taxpayer money. For instance, federal courts have declared speech codes (campus policies restricting the first amendment right to free expression) at private universities to be unconstitutional in cases in which the universities received federal funding. Halliburton and other companies in receipt of defense contracts could be required to provide the same protections of constitutional rights as a public institution. Indeed, they could arguably be considered de facto public institutions. Rights they would be required to protect would include the right for a victim to pursue civil charges decided by a jury, or the right to report the incident to a crime enforcement authority that could initiate pursuit of criminal charges.

    However, we need not even consider companies working under government contracts as public institutions to see the constitutionality of the Franken amendment. The amendment, after all, is constructed as an addition to appropriations bill. As articulated by Senator Franken during his defense of the amendment during floor debate, congressional funding, or the “power of the purse,” is a widely and broadly used tactic to pursue broad government objectives. Funding an institution is one way to express government approval of its mission or policies, and to enhance its ability to continue pursuit of its goals. Conversely, decisions not to fund an institution can send a powerful message that it maintains positions considered to be inconsistent with the values and objectives of the United States, and that the government will not abet its actions. There is certainly no requirement for the government to subsidize organizations that compromise the civil rights of its employees. There is, in fact, a strong imperative not to subsidize such organizations, and appropriations bills that prevent such subsidies are well within the legislative powers of Congress. The question for you, senator, is why you do not seem to consider a company that ignores the legal rights of rape victims to be unworthy of government funding.

    During the debate of the amendment, Senator Sessions, you also maintained that arbitration is an acceptable method for addressing grievances such as that of Ms. Jones. Your comments also seem to indicate a mistaken belief that the amendment prohibits arbitration in any disputes between government-contracted institutions and their employees. “For overall justice in the American system, I think arbitration [in] employment contracts is legitimate and we ought not to constrict it too much,” you said. Your confusion here is puzzling, if you read the amendment. Franken’s amendment does not seek a general prohibition of arbitration in employment contracts – it seeks to prevent arbitration from being an employee’s only recourse when the employee is a victim of rape or assault. Companies such as Halliburton are the ones doing the constricting, by depriving employees of a legal right to address such crimes in court.

    Your comments also show an amazing lack of understanding of the uses and limitations of arbitration. It is true that arbitration can be a quick and useful tool for resolving contract disputes about issues such as salaries or commissions. Ms. Jones’ complaint does not involve a mundane contractual dispute of this kind. She was gang-raped. According to information provided in a 2007 testimony before a House of Representatives subcommittee, she was vaginally and anally penetrated and left bleeding severely. Later medical examination revealed that her breasts had been asymmetrically disfigured due to the force used by her assailants, and her pectoral muscles had been torn. Victims of rape and assault such as Ms. Jones don’t want a quick and useful resolution to their complaints. They want justice. Neither you nor any other representative of the federal government has the right to tell such a victim which of the legally available strategies should be used to pursue it, or to condone efforts to make arbitration the only possible strategy.

    Companies such as Halliburton seek to make arbitration the only recourse for assault victims precisely because it is ill suited to provide the justice that victims seek. Arbitration occurs behind closed doors, without the benefit of a jury. Decisions reached through arbitration are binding, with limited potential for appeals. Because the proceedings are private, public details of the offense are kept from the public record, where they could have increased awareness of the continuing problems that made the offense possible. Perhaps most importantly, because arbitration takes place outside the court system, judgments cannot become a matter of judicial record and cannot serve as precedents in future cases. For all of these reasons, victims of heinous assaults such as Ms. Jones (and anyone with an ability to understand the enormity of the violations committed against them) would much prefer to exercise their right to a day in court. Were you to allow yourself a moment of honest reflection, I think you would agree.

    Perhaps the most confounding of all of your objections to the amendment is your assertion that it is a “political attack” against Halliburton. It is true that Halliburton has been subjected to a great deal of scrutiny from Democrats and liberals, especially since the beginning of the war in Iraq. It doesn’t follow that such scrutiny must be unwarranted, or that any legislation that inconveniences Halliburton is somehow illegitimate. First, the amendment does not mention Halliburton or any other company by name – it is a general attempt to prevent travesties like the one that occurred to Ms. Jones from happening in the future, at any company, at any time. Second, the merits of the amendment have to be considered on their own, without excavating for alleged motives on the part of those supporting it. I would think that the desire to prevent more employees at government-contracted institutions from suffering the fate of Ms. Jones would be motive enough for supporting the amendment. I would also think that worries about perceived “political attacks” would be insignificant next to the worries that more crimes of this nature will escape justice because of covert arbitration agreements. Siding with the reputation of a company over the rights of a person does not exactly speak well of your priorities.

    In fact, based on review of your stated reasons for opposing this amendment, I have to conclude that you senators plainly do not actually believe any of the things you as Republicans claim to believe. Do not speak to us about defending individualism, when you sell out an individual to better protect a corporation. Do not warn me about the dangers of big government, while you support using government money to aid and abet institutions that deny our civil and legal rights. Do not speak to us about values, because any value system that refuses to address the suffering of others is not one that I share. Most of all, do not pretend that your values somehow derive from a higher source of authority. In light of your opposition to this amendment, any such claim should only be greeted with laughter and ridicule.

    Sincerely,
    A baffled citizen

    Notes:

    The roll-call voting record for the amendment.

    The text of the amendment itself.

    A recap of the voting and floor debate.

    The story of Jamie Leigh Jones has been widely recounted, for instance, by ABC News.

  • Confound the Unbelievers

    Dinesh D’Souza is a bestselling conservative who in previous books has praised Ronald Reagan and blamed the left for 9/11.[1] In his latest he answers the atheists, humanists, materialists and rationalists who are knocking religion down. Why bother, if, as he believes, ‘God is the future, and atheism is on its way out’? (:11). Because, as he explains in a recent interview, atheism is for the first time a serious option for young Americans.[2]

    The God option, on the other hand, involves thoroughly confusing one’s readers. Take for example the argument that moral laws are ‘absolute’. According to D’Souza, this corresponds to the Christian idea of heaven and hell, places where we will be measured against a common standard and given our just deserts. But moral laws are only ‘absolute’ in the sense that, like soccer rules, they have a collective purpose. Sure, soccer, like life, can be unfair – some players cheat, others are unlucky – but that doesn’t mean there is an afterlife to put right all the wrong scores.

    If D’Souza can spin heaven and hell out of human morality, wait until you see his treatment of Hume, Kant, the Big Bang and the Anthropic Principle, to pick a few samples. For, daringly, he sets out to build God’s future with his opponents’ own tools – with Enlightenment philosophy and with recent scientific findings, no less.

    He recruits skeptical Enlightenment philosopher David Hume easily enough. As is well known, Hume highlighted the limitations of the inductive method of science. For example, we can’t conclude that ‘all swans are white’ from the fact that every swan we ever saw was white, because tomorrow we might discover a black swan. This, according to D’Souza, means that the laws of nature are unverifiable and consequently that miracles such as resurrections and virgin births are possible. In fact, he adds for good measure, the laws of nature were made by God and so they can be broken by God.

    We can make at least three obvious objections to this. First, the moment we see a black swan we verify that ‘not all swans are white’ and thereby also verify the verifying powers of induction. Second, induction is not the only scientific method. Depending on age, nutrition, heredity, etc, swans might come in different shades and sizes, but they’ll never be found growing on bushes. By deduction, we can rest assured that tomorrow we won’t discover any swans growing on bushes, because bushes aren’t part of the animal kingdom. And, third, supposing the laws of nature weren’t really natural but divine then everything would be a miracle, so nothing really would be. Turning water into wine would be as remarkable as turning it into ice.

    Another Enlightenment thinker D’Souza tries to enlist is Immanuel Kant. Kant famously distinguished between the noumenon, the thing-in-itself that isn’t available to our senses, and the phenomenon, the thing’s appearance, which is. We can’t sense an orange-in-itself, only its color, taste, etc. According to D’Souza, this implies that ‘the empirical world we humans inhabit is not the only world there is. Ours is a world of appearances only’ (:177). But this supposedly Kantian argument is a mere word trick. D’Souza uses the term ‘empirical’ to include the orange-in-itself as well as the orange’s color and taste, pretending that all of this together would correspond to Kant’s phenomenon; he then pulls the vacant noumenon out of his sleeve to refer to something entirely different – whether the god of the orange, the spirit of the orange, or both, we have no way of telling.

    But there must be some justice in this life, because D’Souza’s mishandling of Enlightenment philosophy gets him into a hell of a pickle. Is our world only a world of appearances? Then oranges, swans, bushes and galaxies are all appearances, and God’s powers of creation amount to creating an apparent universe instead of a real one. D’Souza is blissfully unaware, but the miracles he makes with Hume he unmakes with Kant. After all, resurrections are hardly impressive if dead bodies are only appearances of dead bodies.

    Unaccountably, elsewhere in the book D’Souza writes as though the world was real. Updating the theologians’ ‘first cause’ argument for God’s existence, D’Souza proposes that since the Big Bang was the beginning of the universe, and everything that has a beginning has a cause, the universe must have had a cause, namely God. ‘The finding of modern physics that the universe has a beginning in space and in time … provides, for all who take the trouble to understand and reflect upon it, powerful and convincing evidence of the existence of an eternal, supernatural being that created our world and everything in it,’ he says (:126). D’Souza’s error here is to assume that the beginning of the expansion of the universe 13.7 billion years ago was the absolute beginning of nature. And had he taken the trouble to understand and reflect upon his own argument, he would have seen that if everything that has a beginning has a cause, then nothing really has a beginning.

    But the most mindboggling argument D’Souza puts hard to work must be the Anthropic Principle, which notes that the universe is fine-tuned for human life. An Intelligent Fine-Tuner must therefore exist, says D’Souza. Alas, he’s fallen into the same trap the Aztecs, with their sophisticated solar calendar, fell into centuries ago. The Aztecs were so spooked by the sun’s finely-tuned journey across the sky that they inferred this sun was a god, whom they fed and propitiated with human sacrifices. With this they rightly recognized the sun’s life-giving powers, but wrongly read a divine purpose into them. The fine-tuning of the universe need not imply anything supernatural, only that human life, like everything else, requires specific conditions.

    To be fair, D’Souza has a point when he criticizes modern science for its tendency to reduce reality to fundamental components. A person, for example, is ‘nothing but a pack of neurons’ in the opinion of Nobel laureate Francis Crick, co-discoverer of the structure of DNA. Such a simplistic approach can’t possibly account for the depth and variety of human experience, from performing ritual sacrifices in ancient times to playing soccer in our own.

    Reductionism is a major weakness of the New Atheist literature – the recent spate of popular anti-God books by Richard Dawkins, Sam Harris and others – that D’Souza is responding to. By and large, this literature reduces religion to processes inside the brain. But studies of the brain will never tell us why our evolved capacity to believe in things unseen often takes religious forms. The New Atheists therefore tend to dismiss such forms as irrational, which is no explanation at all. Instead, religious phenomena should be explained in an all-round manner involving everything else that goes on in society. Human sacrifice in ancient civilizations, for instance, was, among other things, an instrument of social and political power, a military technique and a method of population control. If such civilizations explained their own actions to themselves the same way they explained the movements of celestial bodies – through religious myths – it’s because it made the best sense to them in their circumstances. Such phenomena, therefore, aren’t purely irrational, but understandable in their context. In abstracting from that context the New Atheists eschew a full scientific understanding of religion.

    D’Souza skillfully exploits this weakness. Slapping the New Atheists’ own biological argument back on their faces, he suggests religion makes more evolutionary sense than atheism does. And he also copies their crude methods of historical interpretation. ‘Atheism, not religion, is responsible for the worst mass murders of history,’ he says (:221). But atheism and religion can’t be responsible for any mass murders. Rather, mass murders are carried out by entrenched interests powerful enough to develop means of mass destruction. In the last century this has typically been the secular state, which only shows that secular society hasn’t yet progressed far enough to abolish states, social conflict and war.

    Secularization is nevertheless hugely progressive, and D’Souza, though a conservative, isn’t foolish enough to reject it. Instead, he boasts that ‘secularism is itself an invention of Christianity’ (:45). Like so many of his slippery and mixed-up arguments, this one contains a small grain of truth. The long path to a religion-free world is littered with old faiths left behind by more secular ones. Christianity, especially in its Protestant version, has been a step in the right direction, but it has rarely led the way; on the contrary, like every other religion it has usually trailed behind society’s own changing needs, eventually becoming what it is today – little more than a petty provider of community services and emotional therapy. This kind of religion is the weedy, worn-out crutch humanity leans on during the last stage of the journey, and what worries D’Souza is that today’s young might be about to kick it off.

    There is a new secular morality in the West, he warns, particularly among those pesky youths. We mustn’t trust it, because people are fundamentally corrupt. This anti-humanist credo should repel anyone, young or old, who hopes for a radically better future on earth. D’Souza of course has no such hopes. Religion has a transcendent purpose, he insists, but don’t even try transcending the fundamental injustices of present-day society. ‘Some critics accuse capitalism of being a selfish system,’ he says, ‘but the selfishness is not in capitalism – it is in human nature’ (:62).

    What’s So Great About Christianity. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2007.

    Notes

    1 Ronald Reagan: How An Ordinary Man Became an Extraordinary Leader (Free Press 1997). The Enemy at Home: The Cultural Left and Its Responsibility for 9/11 (Broadway 2007).

    2 Bernard Chapin, ‘What’s So Great About Dinesh D’Souza? An Interview’, Conservative Crusader 17 August 2008.

    Paula Cerni is an independent writer. For a list of publications please visit her website.

  • Interview With Russell Blackford and Udo Schüklenk

    With atheist best-sellers flying off the book-shelves, people are now finding their beliefs questioned, probed and examined. Lumping all arguments together, many dismiss the new wave of intellectual concern as a crass form of schoolyard bullying, calling all those critical of religion “new atheists”. But what is forgotten in these discussions is the human side, the reasons for not believing and what that means in our lives. Many know the arguments against belief but now the point has come to ask another question: why does that matter? In an effort to do just that, two philosophers, Russell Blackford from Australia and German-born Udo Schüklenk have co-edited a book which seeks to solve recent problems for the modern non-believer. 50 Voices of Disbelief: Why We are Atheists, was published recently by Wiley-Blackwell.

    For many who have spent some time involved in any form of engagement in these matters, the names should appear familiar: from the great AC Grayling to the revolutionary Maryam Namazie. Finally, in one book we can hear their stories – if not about themselves, then about the aspects of religion or lack thereof they find most important. If all these contributors were speakers at a convention, it would be sold out many times over. Udo and Russell kindly agreed to delve further into the background of the book.

    Someone with no knowledge on this subject might ask why is a project like 50 Voices of Disbelief is so important in today’s climate? And what does this project do that other “atheist” books don’t?

    Udo: As we say in our Introduction, it’s important because there are numerous attempts made the world all over the stifle atheists’ and humanists’ freedom of speech, in our case the right to criticise religion. Even the UN and its misnamed human rights council is in on it. So yes, it is more important than ever before to let voices of reason and rationality be heard. There cannot be special rules for religious organisations that exempt them from critical inquiry and scrutiny.

    Our anthology is unique because it gives a voice to a very wide range of contributors, including philosophers, writers, journalists, even a magician! They all responded to our call to explain in their own words why they do not believe in the God the monotheistic religions have been peddling to us for centuries. The book is eminently readable and fun, to my mind, because it includes so many personal accounts of well-known writers on why they are atheists.

    You have a range of spectacular contributors, ranging from AC Grayling to Maryam Namazie. But I imagine there were many more to choose from. How did you decide on the contributors and why?

    Udo: We chose them based on professional standing, expertise and capacity to say something original and readable.

    All three of us study philosophy academically and a common question is asked about philosophy’s purpose in the modern world. How big a part did philosophy play in your views and in the creation of this project?

    Udo: Of course, I am very strongly influenced by the values of enlightenment philosophy. Works by Holbach, Descartes, Voltaire, Kant and others had a huge impact on how I formed my views of the world. Their work and that of others like them, undertaken under much more difficult circumstances, motivates me to keep the light of reason alight.

    Russell: My own reasons for disbelief are philosophical, and I realized over 30 years ago that the Christian view of the world, which concerned me most among the world’s religions, just doesn’t add up. Take the problem of evil, for example. Many people claim to have solved it, or that someone else has solved it, or in any event that it has been solved or is solvable. But the supposed solutions are highly implausible, often even absurd or irrelevant, and anyone who thinks the problem has been solved doesn’t really understand it (or doesn’t take it seriously).

    Again, the doctrine of sacrificial atonement makes no moral or other sense, and we have no rational grounds to accept claims about the empty tomb and the resurrection of the apocalyptic Jewish prophet known to us as Jesus of Nazareth. However, my motivation to speak up, and express my disbelief publicly, after keeping my peace somewhat for quite a long time now, is not just philosophical; it is more political. Various religious groups, often deeply reactionary in one way or another, have been consolidating their social and political influence in Western societies, even though the percentage of believers has declined. In developing countries, Christianity and Islam are rapidly winning adherents – and the varieties of Christianity and Islam we are talking about are in no sense liberal or even moderate. All in all, “God is back”, and I think that we’ve reached a point in human history when silence is not an option for people of reason.

    What books do you recommend to those who have not really considered these questions before? Aside from obvious choices like Dawkins and Hitchens, are there any other talented writers that people should be aware of?

    Russell: There are many writers beyond the so-called Four Horsemen (Dawkins, Hitchens, Dennett, and Sam Harris), so much so that any list will be extremely incomplete. The state of the art in academic philosophy by atheists continues to advance. A generation ago, the writer to watch out for was John Mackie, whose work is still very worth reading. But now the leading books are probably those of Michael Martin and Graham Oppy. Also watch out for the work of Michael Tooley, Nicholas Everitt, J.L. Schellenberg, among many others.

    For a slightly more popular level of work that challenges Christian apologetics, try Dan Barker or John W. Loftus. I recently read Barker’s Godless: How an Evangelical Preacher Became One of America’s Leading Atheists, and I totally recommend it. Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s personal story in Infidel is compelling, and there are now many feminist writers tackling the way religions treat women – Ophelia Benson, Maryam Namazie, and Christine Overall come to mind.

    On the origins of the Christian texts, see Bart Ehrman. For wide-ranging discussion of Islam, see Ibn Warraq. Then, not always focused on religion, there is the whole body of work by Michael Shermer. Victor J. Stenger and Taner Edis are among those who tackled the issues from a perspective very much grounded in current science. I also recommend Richard Carrier’s Sense and Goodness without God: A Defence of Philosophical Naturalism.

    Really, though, there is such a rich body of work now available, and I am failing to mention many superb contributors to the debate. If you’re not looking for something highly academic, perhaps start with the book by Barker that I mentioned. If you want the full academic approach, try Mackie’s The Miracle of Theism and then perhaps tackle Oppy’s Arguing About Gods. Or start with 50 Voices of Disbelief and sample the ideas of many contemporary writers and activists.

    Udo: If you don’t mind, may I take this question as asking what works have most influenced me in this context? Truth be told, it’s not so much recent literature, even though there is some excellent work out there. I have been greatly influenced and impressed by works such as Jean (Abbe) Meslier, Testament de J. Meslier (Mémoire contre la religion), d’Holbach’s Christianisme dévoilé, as well as his Le Système de la nature, Voltaire’s Candide of course, Russell’s Why I am not a Christian as well as the German author Karl-Heinz Deschner’s works. Not surprisingly most, if not all of these works were critical of Christianity as the hegemonic ideology in Europe. I am glad today we find more works addressing the ideology of Islam, such as for instance Warraq’s analyses or Ali’s Infidel.

    Speaking of Ali and Benson, why do you think there are so few women engaged in the great god debates? Do you think this is a problem?

    Russell: First, it’s a problem in many ways. Partly because the situation will tend to replicate itself over time. That’s unfortunate, because women have much to gain by freeing themselves from religion, and also because the broad rationalist movement needs the involvement of people with widely varied experiences of the world, not just wide variations in male experiences of it. Even with little or no overt discrimination against them in some enlightened places, women still face more subtle kinds of discrimination, and even if that is overcome, they need to see other women as role models and potential colleagues. Women will be more attracted to write books, produce movies, generally become active in defending atheist and rationalist positions, when they see other women doing so. All that acknowledged, we should not forget the enormous contributions that some women are, indeed, making right now – Margaret Downey, comes to mind, as does Maryam Namazie for her ongoing opposition to political Islam and the Islamic Republic of Iran, Sumitra Padmanabhan in the humanist movement in India, and many many others.

    Udo: I think this is much to do with the fact that the traditional domain of secular analysis and thinking was philosophy and that discipline has historically been male dominated. This is changing and so we see increasingly women’s involvements with these sorts of questions – think of Overall’s works, Purdy’s, as well as downright – and very much needed – activism such as Downey’s, Namazie’s and others. I have no doubt many of the early feminists would have been secular in outlook, but their focus – understandably so – wasn’t to do with the God delusion but women’s reproductive rights and such issues that were closer to home.

    What are the implications for religious pandering occurring in the upper echelons of the UN and other bodies? And what would you say to those who think it is intellectual imperialism to criticise people’s religions?

    Russell: The implications won’t be as straightforward as the creation of a binding UN convention in some horribly onerous form, or the enactment of massive restrictions on freedom of speech in, say, the US. Nonetheless, the more resolutions we see from UN bodies, such as the Human Rights Council, the more the high moral ground is given to theocrats and dictators, and the more the morale and effectiveness of local opponents of free speech in Western countries are strengthened. In the West, there are plenty of opponents of free speech, especially speech that criticises religion. Those opponents exist on both the Right and Left of politics – the Right because of its religiosity, the Left because of its sensitivity to traditional cultures. As for the second question, I am very suspicious of this whole idea of intellectual imperialism. Intellectual ideas, both good and bad, belong the whole world and all its people – otherwise we wouldn’t have now have worldwide use of algebra and the zero sign. This talk of intellectual imperialism often seems like an excuse for theocrats and dictators to deny rights and liberties to their local populations.

    Udo: Well, this coming from the German-born Pope during a recent visit to Africa where he propagated his ideology to the African peoples is a tad bit rich! Anyhow, I am not a friend of the currently existing UN, its corruption and its many utterly useless agencies, so I don’t care too much about the shenanigans in this organisation that reminds me so very strongly of Andersen’s naked emperor. Stopping my exasperated UN-related hand-waving now, there’s a serious issue, however: these attempts at shielding religious beliefs (as opposed to any other beliefs) from sharp criticism and – yes – ridicule sets a dangerous precedent for free speech and, indeed free inquiry. That’s why we got to oppose it. We should all deliberately and routinely be subversive on blogs, in letters to newspapers, in articles, on Facebook and other networking sites and so on and so forth, by way of overstepping the boundaries set by the UN Human Rights Council on this issue. The more people there are who undertake such actions the less likely it is that these rules will actually become societally acceptable norms of behaviour.

    Talking about free-speech, do you think outright mockery is a necessary step in the ongoing debate? Or should we, as Paul Kurtz has suggested, defend those who mock but not criticise in such crass ways ourselves (by “ourselves”, he was referring to his organisation the Centre for Inquiry, which publishes numerous magazines that your contributors have written for. James Randi, for example, has a column in one)?

    Udo: A necessary step to achieve what end? It’s difficult answering this question without knowing what the ends are that such means are supposed to realise. Mockery has traditionally had a legitimate place in political debates and arguments. Enlightenment philosophers have often used mockery to show how absurd an ideological (frequently religious) stance was that was considered sacrosanct during their times. Mockery is one way of saying ‘this view does not deserve to be taken seriously’, and that is fair game to my mind, if one is also able to show on a more serious level, why the view in question does indeed not deserve to be taken seriously.

    Russell: I think it’s reasonable for a corporation, or some other kind of collective, to establish a brand image that appeals to a certain membership or potential membership. E.g., it might want to welcome a broad range of people, some of whom would be offended by certain tactics. In that sense, Paul Kurtz may have a legitimate point about what the CFI should be doing. The CFI needs to sort that out, and I’m not sure in this particular instance, but people who take Kurtz’s view of its approach are certainly entitled to argue for it.

    Does that mean that atheists, in general, should never engage in “crass” tactics? Not at all. My own view is that it is, indeed, crass to mock religious believers just for the sake of it – or simply to offend them. But there is certainly a place for satire, comedy, even outright mockery. When we are confronted with absurd ideas and practices, it can sometimes be futile, and seem rather ponderous and silly, to try to demonstrate exactly why they are absurd. It might be possible in principle, but not concise or rhetorically persuasive. Sometimes you just do have to cut through and expose the absurdity for what it is, by making humorous comparisons, calling names (as when I call the Catholic Church “the Cult of Misery”), or engaging in whatever forms of ridicule and disrespect are needed to get the point across. When absurd dogma is combined with abuses of human rights, threats to liberties, dangers to human life or flourishing, I think the gloves should come off. In those cases, ridicule can be our best weapon against religious bullying or outright theocratic oppression.

    Perhaps, Udo, “the necessary step” should be “a necessary step” – one of many, in ascension toward contentment with uncertainty. This is to realise that nothing we say is beyond failure and in the sense you describe, nothing is therefore beyond mockery. Are you saying that mockery, though delivered in a humorous way, is serious in scope?

    Udo: Yes, mockery can well be a more ‘deadly’ argumentative tool than the best logical argument.

    Do you think that there can be such a thing as a militant atheist, a dogmatic scientist or are they merely terms of dismissal? It seems that some people do completely revoke religion and replace it with something else. I am inherently cautious of standing behind labels but do you think it is necessary to call oneself an atheist, a humanist and so on? As AC Grayling has pointed out, humanism isn’t even a philosophy, it is a mode of thought (similar to what Michael Shermer says about science).

    Udo: There ‘can’ be militant atheists as well as dogmatic scientists. There could be atheists that bully and threaten, atheists that discriminate pro-actively against those who disagree with their views, and so on and so forth, i.e.: there could be atheists that on their atheistic crusade (sic!) take no prisoners, much like adherents of militant Islam take no prisoners. However, I was careful to say that there ‘could be’… I have yet to meet an atheist that behaves like that. So, while it is theoretically possible, I have yet to encounter a militant atheist. The same applies to the question of the dogmatic scientist.

    Russell: I’m not as worried as some people by the term “militant atheist”. Militancy is sometimes just the opposite of passivity or gentility; it doesn’t necessarily connote violence or bullying. I attempt to be civil in debate and to be kind to people even when I’m being tough on issues, but sometimes a certain degree of forthrightness or aggression is needed. Atheists are entitled to be militant in that sense. Of course, we are usually about the last people to resort to violence.

    I don’t doubt that some atheists and scientists can be stubborn or opinionated, like anyone else, but the one expression that I despise is “fundamentalist atheist”. A fundamentalist atheist would have to be someone who adheres to the literal words of something like a holy book, even in the face of evidence. Okay, there may be some atheists like that somewhere in the world (perhaps some doctrinaire Marxists for example), but they are rare. They are very atypical of what we see in the current wave of explicit atheism, represented by people like Dawkins and Dennett, and our contributors. Generally, people become atheists because of the lack of evidence for particular religious beliefs, or because of positive evidence against certain beliefs. It is not because they have been socialised, or otherwise convinced, to put their blind faith in Das Kapital, or On the Origin of Species, or Why I Am Not A Christian, or The God Delusion. That’s not how it works.

    As for accepting or adopting labels, I’m ambivalent. I do identify as an atheist, if asked … and sometimes even if not asked. But I completely understand why some people prefer to call themselves humanists, skeptics, or agnostics, or something fancier (philosophical naturalists, perhaps … I like that one myself).

    All of these terms can have varied meanings in different times or places, or for different people, so no one should be pressured to label herself in a particular way.

    Also, in many circumstances, we may not need to identify as atheists (or whatever) at all. E.g., I think that atheists have good reasons to be active in the defence of freedom of speech. However, our arguments, once we become active on that issue, are much the same as anyone else’s. In defending freedom of speech, we should concentrate on the arguments, not on the fact that we might have a particular motivation for getting involved. The same applies to other issues that we might wish to take up, whether or not our views about religion give us some of our motivation.

    Why are you philosophers as opposed to, for example, scientists, physicians or presidents?

    Udo: I have become a philosopher mostly because I am interested in investigating normative issues in our daily lives. Other professionals focus on other kinds of questions.

    Russell: When I was younger I contemplated politics – but not for long! I have too many skeletons in my various cupboards to be a politician of any sort, let alone a president or a prime minister. They may not be large, very disreputable, skeletons … but they’re large enough to be a liability. And I keep doing my best to add to them – just in small ways such as making fun of the pope whenever I get a chance. My record of doing that wouldn’t help me in politics.

    Besides, there are few jobs in the world that enable you to say what you really think and explore the truth as you see it. Provided they can make a living, philosophers can do that. By contrast, politicians are bound by party discipline and the need to court popularity with the public. I’ve worked for two or three years as a lawyer, and for many years in quasi-legal work. I especially enjoyed courtroom advocacy, which I was quite good at – and I strongly considered becoming a barrister at one stage. Actually, that would have been great, but ultimately I chose to do a second doctorate (in philosophy). As a result I am much poorer than I might have been. I think it’s too late for me to start at the bar now that I’m on the wrong side of fifty, so I’m unlikely to make my fortune at this late stage. Still, I have the luxury of thinking, writing, and speaking about the things that really matter to me.

    Finally, who have you encountered – aside from your contributors of course- that you think will be making a difference in today’s world for the better? Organisations and maybe individual people, perhaps?

    Udo: I think anyone who is prepared to think about how their actions can contribute to increases in the happiness of people or others who are capable of enjoying their lives. If each of us made the life of just one other person who is worse off than we are a bit better the world would be a much better place. I suspect there are plenty of people like that.

    Russell: Many people are making a positive difference. Some are our contributors, of course, but there other people who are fighting hard to protect our liberties, or to extend the basic requirements for human survival more widely. Others are creating art that lifts our spirits or provokes our thoughts. Still others are pushing back against superstition or extending human knowledge. You know, this world does not look much like one that an all-benevolent God would create. Look at all the suffering, malice, and preventable loss of life. Yet it could be a lot worse, and there are plenty of people who are working hard to make it better.

  • Child Witchcraft and Child Rights in Akwa Ibom State

    Child witchcraft stands for the claim that children can be witches and wizards or that infants can or do engage in witchcraft activities like turning themselves into birds or insects – at night – to suck blood or mysteriously inflict harm on someone. It is the belief that children have evil powers which they use or can use to destory people particularly their family or community members. As I have pointed out here, child witchcraft is a claim, a belief – a superstitious belief. Child witchcraft is manifested in different forms: accusation, confession and persecution.

    Children are accused of being witches and wizards. Somtimes children who talk in their dreams or sleep walk are said to be witches. They are blamed for whatever goes wrong in their families. And this could be death, diseases, business failure, accidents, childbirth difficulties, etc. Children are accused of witchcraft at home by their parents and family members, at churches by ignorant and unscrupulous pastors, at schools by friends and colleagues, at the shrines by primitive minded traditional medicine men or witch doctors, and on the streets by mobs and gangs. Children are forced to confess to being witches and wizards or to have indulged in witchcraft activities by family members or by mobs, in most cases after physical and mental torture. Children alleged to be witches and wizards are subjected to torture, and inhuman and degrading treatment which sometimes lead to their death. Such children are starved, chained, beaten, matcheted or lynched. At the churches, pastors subject children alleged to be witches and wizards to torture in the name of exorcism. Witchdoctors force such children to drink potions (poison) or concoctions which often kill them or damage their health. In Akwa Ibom State, the phenomenon of child witchcraft is common and widespread. Most people in the state, as in other parts of the country, subscribe to the superstitious idea that children can indeed be witches and wizards or that children can engage in witchcraft activities.

    This misconception has caused most people to endorse at least tacitly the witch persecution of children, or to remain indifferent to child rights abuses that are committed in the name of witchcraft. It has caused most members of the public to regard witchcraft accusers, witch persecutors and killers as heroes, not villains or criminals. Recently, the situation in Akwa Ibom has been really bad to the point that it has attracted both local and international outrage. Thousands of children alleged to be witches and wizards were tortured, driven out of their homes or killed. Some of the child victims rescued by some public spirited individuals are kept at a camp, the Child Rights and Rehabiltation Network, in Eket. Many of them bear the scars of their traumatic experience. And it was in response to this very ugly and embarrassing situation that the government of Akwa Ibom State signed into law the child rights act in December, 2008. According to Governor Godswill Akpabio, the child rights act was signed into law “to protect children and posterity.” According to him it would be “futile to make the gains we have made in terms of development and progress without preparing the next generation for sustaining our legacy.”

    The child rights law protects the growth of perceptual, emotional, intellectual and behavoural capabilities and functioning during childhood of Akwa Ibom children under 16 years. It empowers them with the capacity to enjoy physical, social and psychological well-being through the enforcement of their physical, mental and emotional freedom from abuse.

    The implementation of the Child Rights Act would create a conducive atmosphere for the development of the child.

    It would bring to an end child abuse by criminalizing and penalising abusers. The law guarantees comprehensive government protection for Akwa Ibom State children

    It strengthens the mechanisms for the defence and protection of children.

    Specifically, the law prescribes up to 15 years imprisonment without an option of a fine or both for offenders in child stigmatisation, accusation of witchcraft or torture. It empowers the government to seal off the premises of any organization used to prepetrate child abuse. It is obvious that when it comes to stamping out a complex phenomenon like child witchcraft, the government cannot do it alone. The government needs the cooperation of the people and all the citizens of Akwa Ibom to succeed in fully implementing the Child Rights Act.

    The government needs the people’s help in identifying and prosecuting offenders. Child rights abuses in the name of witchcraft have been going on for some time because offenders have not been prosecuted or punished. People need to report to the police all those who stigmatize or label children witches and wizards whether they are our parents or family members, pastors or traditional medicinemen. We need to inform the police of any witch testing, witch screening and witchcraft delivering churches, centers or “clinics” anywhere in the state.

    The prosecution of some pastors arrested in connection with child witch stigmatization and persecution in the state is currently stalled because people are not coming forward to testify against them. The child rights law cannot be fully enforced if people are afraid of reporting or testifying against parents, family members, pastors or witch doctors or anyone alleged to have labelled children witches or wizards. Lastly, I want to commend the government of Akwa Ibom for adopting this important legislation and urge all the people of Akwa Ibom should rise up to the challenge of helping the government implement it. The implementation of the child rights act is critical to the eradication of child witchcraft and to the protection of the rights of the child in Akwa Ibom State.

  • Humanists to Hold an Anti-witchcraft Conference in Uyo

    In October (21-22) humanists will be meeting in Uyo, the capital of Akwa Ibom State, for yet another conference on witch hunt and child abuse This is the second antiwitchcraft program to be organized by the Nigerian Humanist Movement (NHM) this year. In July, NHM cosponsored with Steppingstones Nigeria a public symposium in Calabar on Witchcraft and Child Rights. The October meeting, sponsored by the International Humanist and Ethical Union, will be held at the University of Uyo Commmunity Centre. The Governor of Akwa Ibom state, Chief Godswill Akpabio is expected to declare it open.

    The theme of the conference is Witch hunt, Christian Fundamentalism and Child Abuse. In the past 10 years, there has been an upsurge in witchcraft accusation, persecution and killing of children in Akwa Ibom State and in other states across Nigeria. Witchcraft is an age-old traditional belief and predates the advent of Christianity and Islam to Nigeria. People accused of witchcraft, in most cases women and the aged, are persecuted or suffer displacement or extrajudicial killing in communities across Nigeria.

    But today what is going on in Akwa Ibom state and most parts of the country is a wave of witch hunts driven, aided and abetted by Christian fundamentalism. Pastors brand innocent children witches and wizards or force them to confess to be so. Children alleged to be witches are subjected to torture and inhuman and degrading treatment in the name of exorcism. Churches incite parents and family members to abuse, beat, kill or abandon innocent kids accused of witchcraft. Many children alleged to be witches have been chained, starved, beaten or lynched. Unfortunately the response of the government, including the police authorities, has been slow and inadequate. This is mainly because local officials and security agents believe in witchcraft and are afraid of witches and wizards.

    This conference is organised to provide a humanist response to the problem of witch hunt and Christian fundamentalism in Akwa Ibom and in Nigeria at large. The organisers are putting in place adequate security arrangements for our guests and participants – particularly in the light of the attack in Calabar by Christian fanatics from the Liberty Gospel Church.

  • The attack in Calabar: Religious Extremism in Nigeria

    Around 11:30 am on Wednesday July 29 2009, a mob of about 200 persons from the Liberty Gospel Church invaded the Cultural Center in Calabar, Cross River State, Nigeria. The Cultural Center was the venue of a public symposium on witchcraft and child rights organised by the Nigerian Humanist Movement and Stepping Stones Nigeria.

    Most of them arrived at the venue in buses wearing orange T-shirt while others donned plain clothes to hide their identity. As we were about to start, some of them stormed the conference hall stamping their feet on the ground and chanting slogans critical of the event and the organisers.

    I tried calming them down without success as they were determined to disrupt the event and ensure that the program was not held. The representative of the Commissioner of Police in Cross River State, Anthony Placid, was there and he tried calling them to order but they rebuffed him.

    At one point I walked up to one of the camera boys who was videoing the whole chaos and pandemonium and tried to inquire who authorized him to cover the event. I held the camera and around ten of them came and started dragging it with me. At some point they said the camera had broken and consequently all them pounced on me and started hitting me on the head and at my back. They snatched my bag containing my digital camera, conference papers and some cash. They destroyed my eyeglasses and made away with my mobile phone. The mob went away with some of our conference banners and some anti witchcraft T-shirts and caps which we gave to participants. Some friends who tried rescuing me from these idiots were also beaten.

    The representative of the Commissioner of Police called and had some police officers sent to the scene who brought the situation under control. The police dispersed the thugs and arrested one of the pastors, Jeffrey Bassey. In his statement at the police station, Bassey told the police that they were instructed by Evangelist Helen Ukpabio to disrupt the event. He was detained and was later released on bail.

    Incidentally the attack by the Liberty Gospel Church happened at a time the Nigerian police and the army were doing a battle with an Islamic sect called Boko Haram in Bornu State in Northen Nigeria. This fanatical group had declared a war against the state. They attacked and beheaded police officers and civilians in a violent campaign to foist their own version of Sharia law on the country.

    It is unfortunate that Helen Ukpabio has turned her Liberty Gospel Church into a fundamentalist sect in Calabar. Helen has been heavily criticized for fueling witchcraft accusation and persecution through her ministry. She claims to be a former witch and to have powers to exorcize witchcraft. She organizes witch testing, witch screening and witch deliverance sessions. Helen has written books and articles, produced films, like the End of the Wicked and published newsletters detailing the characteristics of witches and how a witch can be delivered.

    But Helen and her rag tag ministry called Liberty Gospel Church are not alone in this shameful scheme. Many pastors in Nigeria are in the business of witch exorcism for which they charge a lot of money. The activities of Helen, the Liberty Gospel Church and other unscrupulous Penticostal pastors are largely to be blamed for the tragic phenomenon of witch children. Witchcraft accusation of children has caused so many problems for families and communities across Nigeria. Today many states in Nigeria are grappling with the problem of street children. And many of the kids are those abandoned, driven to the streets or displaced due to witchcraft accusations. Some witch children have been tortured or killed by their own parents or family members, others by pastors during exorcism.

    The Nigerian authorities should take note of this and take action against this moron and her terrorist group before it is too late.The Nigerian government needs to immediately arrest Helen Ukpabio and investigate the activities of the so called Liberty Gospel Church. Tomorrow may be too late.

    Taken from a comment at Bartholomew’s Notes September 26 2009.

  • Review of Keith Ward’s Why There Almost Certainly Is a God

    Connecting the Dots: Aquinas to Ward

    As I set off to review this book it may be just as well to say, at the outset, that I can no longer find much sense in typical philosophical arguments for the existence of God. They tend to be, not only far-fetched and implausible, as they seem to be to Richard Dawkins, for example, but even simply unintelligible. Keith Ward suggests that Dawkins’ treatment of Aquinas’ famous Five Ways (of proving the existence of God) is unacceptably brief. In fact, he tells us that Dawkins does not discuss Aquinas at all, but rather five arguments of his own (102). This may well be true, though Ward’s own discussion of Aquinas’ Five Ways in Chapter 6 of this book is, he claims, also similar, in that he will propound five arguments of his own, and not of Aquinas’, devising. This is strictly necessary, he says, because we cannot really discuss Aquinas’ arguments intelligently, since Aquinas lived and thought at another time, with categories which made sense to him, but not to us. More than that, Aquinas’ arguments depend on Aristotle, and, as we now know, “most of Aristotle’s opinions about physics were mistaken.” (103)

    Now, this is a serious problem, if true. It may mean, in fact, that the arguments, despite Ward’s claim to the contrary, are, as Dawkins thinks, in fact (in Ward’s words) “easily exposed as vacuous.” (102) Ward himself gives us some encouragement to think that this is true. As he says, in explaining what a ‘proof of God’ would be like, since a conclusion cannot give us more information than we are supplied with in the premises, no mater how psychologically surprising the conclusion may be, if one rejects the premises, then, as he says, “clearly it will not prove anything to you.” (103) Yet, in fact, each of the arguments deals with a form of argument which is, on the face of it, inadequate to come to the conclusion intended, because the last step in each form of argument is to something which, in the very nature of the case, we can arguably have no acquaintance with or even understanding of, and therefore the conclusion is always, in some sense, a step too far, since it could not, being inaccessible to finite mind, be contained in the premises.

    This can be clearly illustrated from Ward’s book, for throughout the book he uses a form of argument which is a near cousin to Aquinas’ Five Ways (Summa Theologica, Question II). Let us first consider one of Aquinas’ arguments. We begin with the Second Article, the preamble to the Five Ways, where Aquinas asks whether we can in fact conceivably demonstrate the existence of God. As with all of Aquinas’ arguments, he begins with objections, and then replies to them, concluding, of course, that the objections do not hold, and the thing to be demonstrated can be demonstrated after all.

    The first objection, then (to the introductory question whether the existence of God can be demonstrated), is that “the existence of God cannot be demonstrated. For it is an article of faith that God exists. But what is of faith cannot be demonstrated, because a demonstration produces scientific knowledge.” The second objection is that “essence is the middle term of a demonstration. But we cannot know in what God’s essence consists.” The third objection is that God’s existence could be known only by his effects, but the effects of God are entirely disproportionate to the cause (which, in God’s case, is infinite), and in such a case the effects, not being proportional to the cause, give us no understanding of the cause, and therefore cannot prove its existence. (Summa Theologica, Q II, Art 2, Obj 1-3) Notice that each of these objections raises the question that Ward himself asks, whether the conclusion in fact will include more information than we can possibly have in the premises.

    Now, these objections nicely sum up what I have already said, that the arguments all take a step which, in the end, takes us beyond anything that we can possibly know into a realm that we cannot really understand. Aquinas responds to these objections in several ways. We cannot, he says, know the essential nature of God, the propter quid, or the reason why, of God. All we can know are the effects of God. This knowledge is by way of a preamble to the articles of faith (Reply Obj 1), for while not faith itself, “faith presupposes natural knowledge.” For since we cannot know God’s propter quid, that is, the middle term of the syllogism purporting to demonstrate the existence of God, or the reason why God is what he is, that is, the essence of God, we must be able to know something which can at least give us some form of knowledge of it. We will not have perfect knowledge, for God is, by definition, inaccessible to finite minds, but we must have some natural knowledge which points definitively to, and in a sense, adumbrates, that which cannot be fully known. This is what the Five Ways set out to do. It is also, by the way, what Ward, in his book, sets out to do as well, and it is probably important to remember that he is trying to carry out the programme established by Aquinas, which is no doubt why he takes such grave objection to Dawkins’ rather peremptory dismissal of Aquinas’ arguments, a dismissal which, in other cases, philosophers have called careless and amateurish. But we will set these complaints aside.

    In order to make good on his promise to demonstrate the existence of God, Aquinas makes several assumptions, which depend on the man whom Aquinas named simply The Philosopher, namely, Aristotle. (The habit of appealing to authority was deeply engrained in Christian theologians, and indeed still is, so it should not be surprising to see the sacredness normally reserved for canonical scripture migrating to the best known and most highly respected philosophical texts of the time.) The first, and most important assumption, is that the cause of an effect contains within it an important aspect of the effect itself. Causes must contain within themselves the ability to move something (the effect) from a state of potentiality to actuality. This, according to the First Way, is what cause is and does: “… motion is nothing else than the reduction of something [the effect] from potentiality to actuality. But nothing can be reduced from potentiality to actuality [the effect], except by something in the state of actuality [the cause].” (Q II, Art 3, Obj 2) So, if A is the cause of B, then the actuality displayed by B – its moving from the potentiality of state B to the actuality of state Ba – must be due to something present in the cause that was not previously in the effect. So A actually transfers to B a measure of its actuality (or essence), and thus provides the propter quid, that is, the reason why, it became thus and so. So A must really be Aa – that is, it must already be in its actualised form – in order to reduce B from that state of potentiality to the state of actuality Ba.

    Of course, from our view this is very puzzling, since from the time of Hume we have recognised that the term ‘cause’ is the name we give to anything which explains, in a relational sense, the regular occurrence of an event or series of events, say the movement of billiard balls on a table. The case of billiard balls makes Aquinas’ meaning particularly clear, since it seems in some sense actually the case that one ball (the cue ball) conveys its actuality – viz., its motion – to the next ball, and so on, because it is already in a state of motion (actuality), and the other balls are at rest (though with the potentiality of motion). But this is not so obvious when we come to such things as the earth, the moon and the sun, for the forces involved, and that are conveyed over great distances, do not so obviously act on each other, and yet the whole solar system is based upon the balance of forces of large bodies in relation to each other which cause them to move in the way that they do, and cause is not something that we use in reference to actualities and potentialities, but to the regular order that we can discern and confirm by prediction or experiment. However, we can see from the billiard ball example why Aquinas, and Ward as well, think that, in fact, the world as we know it, in order to be precisely as it is, must be caused by something in which is actualised all the manifold parts of the world and their relationships which are reduced from potentiality to actuality by that cause, so that all the many distinguishable features that we can discern in the world around us could have come to be as they are. This is doubtless why Ward himself holds that the whole idea of cause is completely mysterious to us. (85)

    It is therefore not surprising that Ward takes a very similar view to that of Aquinas, for he holds “that creativity and mind, value and purpose, have to be included in any final explanation of the universe. Materialism is deficient as a philosophy because it cannot include them, and has to argue them out of existence.” (88) Ward’s reason for saying this is indeed remarkably similar to Aquinas’ idea of causation and explanation. There can be nothing in the effects which was not first in the cause, because the cause is bringing to actualisation in the effect something which is already actual in the cause. Creativity and mind, value and purpose, then, cannot result from simpler, non-creative, non-purposive entities, and to suppose that they do would be to suppose that they are ‘nothing but’ non-creative and non-purposive, and therefore, in a strict sense, reducible, without remainder, to such merely inanimate matter. They thus, in a sense, disappear into their cause. In this way, Aquinas’ arguments can be seen to run by themselves, for there is nothing that he needs to add, once it is assumed that everything that exists, exists solely because it already existed in some prior form in its cause, and in that sense, the argument to a single, completely explanatory cause is inevitable, since in that case no matter how many simple causes may actuate more complex aspects of actuality, they would, without some supreme first cause, containing within itself all possible actualities, simply be a disordered, chaotic assembly of simples with no consistent or intelligible relationship to each other. But this is, in case the reader has not noticed, to take mind as in some form already presupposed. In this sense the argument is a tautology. This is called begging the question.

    Now Ward strictly believes that this is true about everything in our world, not only the existence and order of the Sun and the planets in their courses, but also the existence of the manifold kinds of life forms that exist as well. Ward thinks, just as Aquinas did, that the reality of all this (apparently) purposeful life must, in some sense, already exist (be actualised) in some cause. In fact, he calls it, the “New Argument for Design.” (38) Ward believes that “the design argument still lives, as an argument that the precise structure of laws and constants that seem uniquely fitted to produce life by the process of evolution is hugely improbable. The existence of a designer or creator God,” he concludes, “would make it much less improbable.” (40)

    Being Very Sure: Adding Some Dots

    The next step in the argument is to move from great improbability to certainty. It seems that it is almost impossible for the world as we know it to exist. Ward goes through a long series of ‘there might have been nos’: no habitable planet in a goldilocks zone, no origin of life, no buildup of complex replicating molecules, no stable environment for the long periods necessary for evolution to take place, no eucaryotic cells, no consciousness or intelligence. In fact, he says, this “set of ‘might-have-beens’ is so immensely long that the existence of intelligent life on this planet seems immensely improbable.” (40) What could possibly have overcome all these many improbabilities?

    The answer, says Ward, lies in the laws of nature. The improbabilities of the last paragraph could be made to look far less daunting if there were a cause which made them much less improbable, a cause which – though he does not say this – contained within itself the actuality of those laws. And here, in order to see the point, we have to sift out two different probability sequences. Taking the evolution of life on earth – and completely ignoring the fact that the universe probably evolved in a similar way by forming a structured order of stars and planets and galaxies by a process not dissimilar to organic evolution – we may think of organic evolution as happening in either of two ways. In the first one, the one championed by the biologist Stephen J. Gould, evolution is a wholly chance driven process which, if it could be run again – if we could, as it were, rewind the tape and replay it – would be very unlikely to take the same course or reach the same destinations that it did the first time. There might, for instance, not have been, in a second rerunning of the process, the existence of creative intelligences. Our hominid ancestors, for instance, might well have become extinct, or that particular genetic line might not have started developing at all, because groups of the original chimpanzee like ancestor were not sequestered from the gene pool, and therefore did not evolve separately from the original ancestral form. Gould’s theory involves a very “strong sense of ‘chance’, which supposes that no complex life-forms may evolve, or that if they do, they may take a whole host of different forms, very unlike humans, for example.” (34)

    Dawkins, on the other hand, according to Ward, is wedded to a much weaker sense of chance, which takes the development of complex life forms “to be more or less inevitable, given the basic laws of physics.” (35) He thinks this theory, where the development of creative intelligence seems to be virtually certain, is “much more compatible with theism than is the view of biologists such as Gould.” (35) He even scolds Dawkins for neglecting to tell us how controversial his view is in contemporary biology, that is, “the view that the whole process is more or less bound to happen, somewhere or other in the universe.” (35) This is actually not Dawkins’ view, since he clearly does not think that the process of evolution, no matter how probable each stage of the process may be, is in any sense predetermined. In fact, he tells us, quite clearly, in his new book The Greatest Show on Earth, that “there is no evolutionary justification for the common assumption that evolution is somehow ‘aimed’ at humans, or that humans are ‘evolution’s last word’.” (TGSE, 158)

    Of course, we can see what Ward is aiming at here. If there are laws in place which make the evolution of life as we know it to be almost certain, then, it seems, we need to have a reason why it should have taken place in precisely this way. What Ward has here, he thinks, is a kind of wedge, with which he can separate Dawkins’ theory of evolution from its apparent dependence upon chance. In fact, Ward argues later that if the end product of the evolutionary process is almost certain, then it is not less probable than the evolutionary steps that it takes to reach it, and what Dawkins calls Mount Improbable is not really that improbable after all.

    As Ward says a few pages later: “But if the existence of complex organs such as eyes is actually made highly probable by the basic laws of nature, then it is not, after all, obvious that the simple is more probable than the complex.” (44) We might find, in fact, says Ward, that “the formation of life on earth was absolutely necessary.” (44) Indeed, Ward wants to go much farther than this, and on two densely argued pages, he concludes that “there are no grounds for saying that simple things are either more or less likely to exist than complex things.” (47) This is a crucial stage in Ward’s argument, since Dawkins’ argument is that God, being highly complex, must in fact be far more improbable, counting up each of the improbabilities of each of the many (comparatively simple and more probable) evolutionary steps, taken one by one, that brought conscious intelligences into being. How does Ward get to it?

    He begins with electrons and spin. The probability that an electron has a specific spin is .5 or 50%. Compare that with DNA molecules, which have an enormous number of different parts – strictly speaking, discrete sequences of information, delimited by stop characters. Now, says Ward, the assumption is that the probability of a particular DNA sequence is very low, but this, he says, “is the wrong assumption.” Because, when we are faced with a DNA molecule, we also have a lot of background information. “There is a past history of evolving development, and the likelihood of intrinsic correlations that very often afford an explanation of how that particular configuration was found,” as Dawkins tells us (according to Ward) in Climbing Mount Improbable. All this is governed by laws, which means that much “more is involved in a true calculation [of probability] than simple combinations of uncorrelated factors.” Even so, it would seem that the probability of predicting the electron’s spin will still be higher than predicting “the specific ordering of the parts of a large molecule.” (46)

    Now, Ward says, let us assume that we have no background information at all. In this case we could make no judgements of probability. In fact, in this case, since presumably there are more complex states than simple ones, “it is rather more likely that any state that exists will come from the much larger sub-class of complex states,” and so, in that case, “The complex will be more probable than the simple!” But Ward thinks it would be better just to say that in such a situation there will be no ground for speaking of probabilities at all. And so we come to the clincher of Ward’s argument, in direct refutation of Dawkins:

    It is not true to say, as Dawkins does, that ‘the laws of probability forbid the existence of intelligence without simpler antecedents.’. [TGD, 147] The laws of probability forbid nothing of the sort. It is the laws of the nature of our actual universe that forbid such a thing. And they certainly do not forbid it absolutely. They forbid it only for finite intelligences in this space-time. The laws of probability either have nothing to say about the existence of God, or they will say that God is not more improbable than the existence of a few simple electrons. (47)

    The assumption behind that last claim is the one made earlier, namely, that if we do not have any background information about the existence of gods (or anything else, for that matter), the language of probability simply will not apply. Ward goes on from this point to speak of the way in which God may be thought to be simple, and not complex, so that, in fact, if the laws of probability did apply, we can assume that God is as probable as any other simple that we care to name.

    Now, it is just at this point that my mind bogs down, and refuses to go any further. The reason for this, I think, is that I simply cannot make sense of the idea of universal or ultimate mind, which, in Ward’s philosophy, as well as Aquinas’, and so many other religious philosophers, is taken as the explanatory ground for the order and apparent purpose of all that we see around us. And this depends, as Ward says, on a simple metaphysical decision. If you are a materialist, he suggests, you will be unable to find a place for a transcendent consciousness as the ultimate ground of things. If, on the other hand, you are an idealist, as he claims most philosophers have been, and perhaps – the suggestion is suspended in the air just above the pages of the book, waiting for the reader to breathe it in – still are, then the supposition that there is a God is not only natural, but inevitable, since, for the believer in God, everything seems to fit so nicely into place. Things are as they are because purposively created by an intelligent being. Moreover, they are created, Ward claims, because of God’s “one, ultimate, simple intellectual act [of] the knowledge and choice of goodness for its own sake.” (49) And this is the kind of explanation, Ward believes, that the evidence requires.

    Recall Aquinas’ notion that there must be as much reality in the cause as there is in the effect. Now, take the physical universe, whatever, in the end, physics determines that it is composed of. Right now, as Ward says, we seem to be left with something very mysterious. It may be, as apparently John Gribbin and Paul Davies claim, in their book, The Matter Myth, “that matter is a sort of illusion or appearance produced by some mysterious and unknown substratum in interaction with the human mind.” (14) (Something very like Kant’s noumena, one might think.) Physicists apparently talk about weird things that are, in fact, hard to conceptualise, let alone to visualise. And it may be that matter, as such, is a veiled mystery in the way that Bernard d’Espagnat suggests – and for saying which, he apparently won a Templeton prize. Gribbin and Davies, and d’Espagnat too, I shouldn’t wonder, if Ward represents them reliably, must be wrong, for it would not, in that case, be matter that is the illusion, but what we see is an illusion or what might better be characterised as a model of what would be salient features of the world for beings like us produced by the interaction of mind with whatever it is that mind interacts with, and it is not really an illusion, as suggested by the interpolation about modelling, but a useful adaptation which helps beings like us find our way around in such a world, so composed. The whole discussion of the mysteriousness of matter is, in one sense, entirely irrelevant to Ward’s argument, since his point is that, whatever matter is composed of, reality, as we know it, is irreducibly composed of that, mysterious something, plus mind. And mind, he believes, cannot be explained by reference to matter, however understood (though one might have thought, if matter is so mysterious, perhaps there is the promise of something here which does show that mind and matter are somehow more closely related than Ward thinks). If mind is an irreducible characteristic of reality – that is, if it cannot be reduced to, and expressed in terms of, language about matter, or the mathematical equations that describe it – then it must, Ward believes, exist prior to the existence of the material world, no matter at what stage it came to expression within it.

    As an aside it is perhaps germane to remark that Ward’s earlier argument, that matter, since the explanation of matter is obviously so very complex and mysterious, such that it “no longer has the advantage of giving us a simple explanation of reality,” (15) is really irrelevant to the argument that he makes later in the book, and it is not at all clear that it is true. For no matter how complex matter may be, if mind is a property of material things, and not a separate metaphysical realm of being, then, if the astonishing complexity of mind could be explained by showing that it has a physical basis – never mind the mathematical complexities of the explanation of matter – then it would provide, despite its complexity, a more satisfactory explanation for the existence of the universe as we know it, than the very peculiar, non-empirical hypothesis, of a transcendent mind, of which we can, in the nature of the case, know nothing at all.

    However, Ward wants to claim that mind is a wholly separate kind of reality than physical things, and that, if it is, mind stands “in need of an explanation that cannot be reduced to physical terms alone.” (79) It is important that it does not depend on his argument to the complexity and mysteriousness of matter, which, as I have already suggested, if it is truly so mysterious, may in fact eventually provide a basis for the explanation of mind. But for Ward the necessity of finding an explanation for mind derives solely from his conviction that the ultimate nature of reality is mind. Now, if this is the ultimate nature of reality, then, he says, since “It is hard to imagine that there could be conscious states within [my emphasis] the universe before brains evolve, … such states would have to exist outside our space-time, or as some sort of potential-for-consciousness to be realized when physical conditions have become complex enough.” (79-80) We can see here a very direct line of development from Aquinas to Ward.

    As such, however, mind, the existence of conscious states or potential for conscious states, must be, in some sense, prior to matter. And if it is prior to matter and not reducible to it, it seems, Ward thinks, that the most economical explanation for the existence of matter is the hypothesis that there is just one mind and that that mind brings the physical universe into existence because it is something that that ultimate mind desires and enjoys. This is the God hypothesis, which, in its simplest form, “is the hypothesis that personal [intentional] explanation is not reducible to scientific explanation, and that it is prior to scientific explanation.” (80)

    Ward goes on to add some detail to the hypothesis, imagining that this primordial mind contains knowledge of all possible worlds, and that it is also able to distinguish from amongst these possible worlds those that are most interesting and beautiful, and can then “decide to make some of them exist precisely because of that discernment, and then can just enjoy them for what they are.” (81) Which provides, we are told, a good explanation for the existence of the universe, and, in fact, suggests to Ward that, “if there is a final explanation for the universe, it virtually has to be God!” (81) It is worthwhile adding that there is not a single reason why the God hypothesis should be developed in any of these ways.

    At this point, my mind is putting on the brakes, big time! It just won’t go there. One of the reasons that it won’t go there is because the universe, as we know it, and as life has developed within it, is so far from being so gloriously interesting and beautiful for so many of the life forms that exist within it, that it is hard to think that any mind might have created it sheerly for the sake of its goodness. That seems to me the fundamental reason for believing that the whole argument up to this point is simply spinning its wheels. The whole process of evolution is so prodigal and wasteful and also cruel, as Karen Armstrong has so helpfully pointed out, that it is hard to believe that any mind, and especially not a mind that is able to conceive fully and to create any possible universe, should have chosen to create this one for its pleasure and enjoyment.

    The other point that I think needs to be addressed is the one that is raised by the emphasised word ‘within’ in the quotation above about the existence of conscious states within the universe before brains had evolved. If mind is irreducible, says Ward, then such states must exist prior to their evolution within the universe, so they must in fact exist outside our space-time, whatever this individuating word means in this context, and must in fact so exist, even after they have been expressed somehow ‘within’ our space-time. This is something that Ward does not seem to notice. And this is, I think, the precise problem. For Ward seems to see no problem in the existence of conscious states in the absence of physical states, and it seems to me that there are serious problems here to which Ward has not paid sufficient attention. One other way of putting the problem might be that Ward has not paid enough attention to Parmenides, for Parmenides’ paradoxes of motion and infinity are just what one would expect by the confluence of eternal mind with finite being (though I will have to leave that as an intriguing line of thought to be followed up another time).

    In Chapter 5: Objections and Replies, Ward asks whether pure consciousness can exist, and he states quite plainly, at the outset, that he “cannot see much force in the statement that a pure consciousness is impossible.” (83) But, in fact, given his understanding of consciousness, it is hard to understand how such consciousness becomes embodied. Perhaps Ward’s mind simply bogs down at this point, just as mine bogs down at the point where Ward is going ballistic. However, I think he has to do better than that, and better than this as well, where he says: “We can think of being aware of trees, people, thoughts and feelings without having a physical body.” In fact, for Ward, this is the primordial nature of consciousness. But, like Jason Rosenhouse, I cannot see how this makes sense, and certainly just saying it doesn’t settle the matter, nor, I think, is it very helpful to put the onus to show that it does make sense on someone who finds this impossible to conceive. It is not altogether clear what would be necessary in order to show whether this was so one way or the other, but I think, since the whole point of modelling the physical world as we do is to enable us to navigate our way through it, it is very hard to guess how a non-bodily consciousness would do this, since it would have no such need. And surely this has some implications too for the ability to conceive of possible worlds.

    As Ward says, “The mind of God would not be like any human mind. Human minds are dependent on brains, on a physical environment, and on being given information. A divine mind would be totally independent. It’s information would not come from outside, but would be part of its own being.” (83) Precisely! And so, it would be limited entirely to a kind of inner directed contemplation of itself, since what could possibly be more attractive or enjoyable to such a being than its own infinity? It would not, in other words, have perceptions at all. And the idea that such a mind could conceive of worlds in which perceptions are possible is by no means clear, for what meaning could be given to the idea of worlds where there are none, and no possibility of receiving information about them? In fact, insofar as God, so conceived, is genuinely simple, such a mind would, it seems to me, be entirely restricted to bare thought itself, whatever that might be, not even to the Cogito, even without the ergo sum.

    All this is, I think, why my mind keeps getting bogged down at this point, because it is not clear what good intentional explanations would be for a disembodied mind. Intentional explanations (or what Ward calls personal explanations) are useful to us because they refer us to the actions of other intentional beings like ourselves, explanations which actually hook into the world in meaningful ways, and so might have quite simply physical, not only intentional, follow-on effects. But what reason could a disembodied mind have to do anything, even if it could conceive of something to do? If it were not simply internally simple, and included a perfect but complex balance of goodness (whatever that might mean to such a being), then the greatest enjoyment for such a being would doubtless be to contemplate itself, as Aristotle thought. What greater joy could there be than contemplating perfect goodness?

    It seems the only way we could give such a mind a reason for doing anything at all is if we could think of something of great value that such a mind might want especially to create for its own enjoyment. And there seems, on the face of it, no greater value than we give to ourselves, which is precisely why, in most stories of creation, the creation of humankind has been at the centre, as the chief purpose of God’s creation. We find it very hard to think of anything else that would motivate universal mind to act, though, to be sure, intuitively, this is a far cry from any of the values which a god already could enjoy just by contemplating itself.

    This may sound like a weak argument, because it suggests that, for someone like me, it is simply impossible to understand how mind, however conceived, can be thought to be prior to the physical universe. As many theories of the origin and development of religions now suggest, there are many reasons, connected with our cognitive processes, and the way they function in often bewildering and dangerous environments, why we should have ascribed agency to the world around us. It would not be surprising, as civilisation progressed in complexity and intellectual sophistication, to suppose that these earlier ascriptions of agency should develop, in time, into full-fledged philosophical theories of universal mind which, in fact, tends nicely to turn the tables on the position of our ancestors. Earlier hominids responded as they did because of the mystery and danger of the universe they encountered. Developing these ideas of agency, as we have done, is to go on to ascribe greater reality and power, and, consequently, dangerous potentiality, to something that we cannot see, to something that is, moreover, not linked to any particular thing that we can see. Our ancestors, on the other hand, apparently, ascribed a peculiar kind of spirit agency to very real dangers out there in the world. and that ascription, we might suppose, actually helped them to brave the dangers of their threatening environment, and so enabled them to flourish in it.

    For this speculative theory of the development of religion, it seems to me, Dawkins provides some reasonable basis. Unintentionally, I think, Ward himself provides some evidence. At the end of a section of Chapter 5, entitled, interestingly enough, “The Delusions of Materialism,” Ward says something which, in a sense, gives the game away. He had just spoken of the reality of a supreme consciousness “that creates worlds for the sake of the emergence of new sorts of goodness.” And he goes on immediately to add:

    Scientific investigation will not provide such perception. It is a fundamental ontological stance, confirmed by the experience of millions of wise and good people. It provides a personal explanation for the cosmos, a form of explanation with which present science is not concerned. (96)

    What gives the game away is the reference to millions of good and wise people. Of course, there are all sorts of good and doubtlessly wise people who believe deeply in God and God’s goodness, and who look to God for comfort and assurance on their journey through life. It may even be a fundamental ontological stance, dictated by generation after generation of cognitive processes as described by the theory of religion. But none of this indicates that any of it is true. Just as consciousness developed as one end point – and no one knows, at this moment, whether there are more astonishing endpoints along this developmental continuum yet to come – of one line of evolutionary development, so it is not unreasonable to suppose that belief in other consciousnesses is an evolutionary development of convergent lines of cultural evolution; but it would not follow that that particular development has any truth value, however much comfort it may bring to millions of wise and good people. In just the same way, the ascription of spirit agency to aspects of the natural world, while it may have helped our ancestors cope with the dangers around them, did not have any truth value. It was a way of assessing, responding to, and accommodating the dangers that, unchecked, might have led them to extinction because simply unable, because of fear, to venture beyond their primitive hideaways in caves and forests. And this is precisely why I think that Ward’s way of expressing his beliefs in terms of good and wise people really, in a sense, gives the game away.

    That, of course, is not an argument, and certainly not a proof that there is no such creative consciousness, and I do not want to claim that it is. It is, however, suggestive. And what it suggests to me is that the conception of such a being comes at the end of two long and very complex processes of evolutionary development, first, a biological one, and then, a cultural one (a memetic one, if you are given to the language of memes). Moreover, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, it seems to me that it is very unlikely that such complex physical beings or ideas could possibly come into existence without the long, slow, ramble up the gentle back slope of Mount Improbable, in which, at each step of the journey, physical (or memetic) mutations occurred which made the bearers of them more likely to survive than others of the same species which did not survive and pass on their genes.

    No Fear is Felt, and Death is Generally Prompt

    As we have already seen, Ward thinks that Dawkins’ conception of evolution makes it almost certain that we should be here, that we are, in fact, not improbable at all, contrary to Dawkins’ claim that we are very improbable indeed, and that any conscious intelligence, because so improbable, must come late in the history of the universe. Dawkins holds, as do many atheists, that positing the existence of God is not a solution to the problem of the existence of the universe, because God is in fact so complex that God’s existence itself would be in need of explanation as well. And if it is said in response to this, as it often is – and Ward does not disappoint us – that God is simple and self-explanatory, the other tack that is often taken is to say that, if we are going to stop explanation at a particular point, then we might as well stop at the universe, at some simple, earlier stage, say, and suppose that it is self-explanatory too. Where do questions of truth get a look-in at this rather unedifying scuffle? Because we could go on saying ‘Tu quoque’ all day long and be none the further ahead.

    I have to admit that I don’t know what a proof would look like here. I can make some gestures and guesses, and that seems about all that anyone can do, because this kind of argument has been going on now almost since people were able to put pen to paper, and who knows but that some prehistoric ancestor ‘pooh-poohed’ the idea that there were demons that really caused the house to fall at that precise moment. So, scepticism on this point has probably as long a history as belief, though belief, as the dominant meme, has done everything possible to make not believing a source of precarious survival for a long time. Now that atheism is looking like an advantageous strategy on dating sites on the internet, perhaps the long hegemony of belief in supernatural consciousness is passing, but there are indications that those carrying the meme for religious belief are not going to leave the scene without a fight, so the odds are still uncertain.

    However, simply on the basis of argument, I think that Dawkins has the stronger case. I have several reason for saying this, so I will state them as plainly as I can. First, I do not think that consciousness and physical existence are independent sorts of being, and I suspect that showing that they are is, as things stand, not going to be possible. Since we know too little (or too much!) about matter, it is hard to say how, in the end, brain and mind states will be seen to be related. Some have tried already to show that they are identical, but this is by no means a settled question. However, the idea that there is a radical dualism of mind and body – what philosophers call substance dualism – makes some very severe demands on our language of mind and body, and this alone makes it seem likely that they are closely, and perhaps necessarily related in some way, and not just contingently related, as Ward thinks. As John Searle says:

    It is important to understand what an extreme doctrines substance dualism is. According to substance dualism our brains and bodies are not really conscious. Your body is just an unconscious machine like your car or your television set. Your body is alive in the way that plants are alive, but there is no consciousness to your body. Rather, your conscious soul is somehow attached to your body and remains attached to it until your body dies, at which time your soul departs. You are identical with your sole and only incidentally and temporarily inhabit this body. (Mind, 43)

    If, as Ward claims, religion depends upon a fundamental ontological stance, namely, that mind is independent of body, then we are left with a very curious conception of our bodies, which are, in terms of this fundamental stance, simply matter, without consciousness. In this case, consciousness cannot be a product of evolution, whatever evolutionary biology might say. It must have been independently introduced at some point, from the outside. That, after all, is what those ideas outside of our space-time were doing. They were, as Ward says – out there – as “some sort of potential-for-consciousness to be realized when physical conditions have become complex enough.” If they were emergent products of physical being – a possibility that Ward recognises in a confused way – then there is no need to posit an existence outside of our space-time of states of consciousness, or even a potential-for-consciousness. What part of the idea of emergence does Ward not understand? Unless Ward can think of another reason why thoughts, or the potentiality for them, must have some sort of independent existence, the kinds of bodies and brains that we have will do just nicely. And if we take the existence of finite minds as a given – as it is – that’s all we need for the ability to speculate about infinite ones. Ward is all the evidence we need for that. I have a suspicion that Ward’s relationship with Aquinas is altogether too close. He really does not believe that anything can be truly emergent. Its potential must be somewhere in its cause, which, in order to reduce its effect (brain) to actuality (mind), must already be actual (mind).

    Second, then, Dawkins’ point, that mind comes at the end of a developmental continuum seems to make more sense, because there is no question that, in this way of conceiving of mind, the mind, or consciousness, is simply something that bodies do. It is the adaptation of an organism, and something that is characteristic of some bodies. As such, it is the end point of a train of evolutionary events, beginning with simple organisms and only coming upon bodies with consciousness after millions of years of evolution.

    And that leads to the third point, namely, that this is the only mind or consciousness that we are aware of or know the characteristics of. As Ward himself says, the concept of human mind is inapplicable to God. But what other conception is there, and can we be sure that we have a real conception of it when we take it out of the only context in which we have seen it operate, and move it into another context whose parameters we cannot even begin to describe? As I have tried to say, if not to show, it is not at all clear that the idea of a disembodied consciousness is unproblematic, and so it is hard to see how it could become the basis for any kind of an explanation for anything, even itself. It may of course be, in the logic of the word ‘god’, that to understand what it means is to recognise that it must necessarily exist, (122) but that is merely a matter of how religious people use the language of ‘god’, and has nothing to do with reality.

    Fourth, personal (or intentional) explanation, which provides an account of the reasons that might be given for a conscious being to act in any particular way, works, so far as we know, only for the kinds of conscious beings that we know. We have no evidence whatever for any other kind of conscious being, and so we have no way of saying what kinds of intentional explanation would be appropriate for them. We have trouble enough, sometimes, to know quite why we did something, to be able to say what a being quite unknown to us, might do.

    And fifth, while we may not yet have a Theory of Everything, we can adequately account for a great deal that we can see by means of scientific explanation, which obviously includes, as a subset, intentional explanation, insofar as intentional explanation is used to understand the behaviour of human beings (and, to a certain extent, of animals), in psychology, sociology, economics, ethology and so on. And the search for further explanation of this sort continues. We do not need to introduce, at any point, the hypothesis of a God or supreme consciousness. In fact, when such an introduction is made, it usually has the effect of bringing enquiry to a halt. Even though, in a general sense, it may be held to provide an overall explanation for everything, when brought to bear in particular cases, it adds nothing to what we have already said more adequately by means of science or history, philosophy or ethics. In fact, the God hypothesis is used as often to stop discussion as to enlarge it, and as often to restrict freedom as to enhance it.

    This is particularly clear in the case of the problem of evil, which is the God hypothesis’ own home-grown problem. After I have said a few things about this issue, as it relates to Ward’s book, aside from a few incidental remarks, I will conclude my review. There are so many things wrong with the few things that Ward says about pain and evil, that it is hard to know where to start. He has two short sections on this issue in Chapter 5, “Why Does Evil Exist?” and “Is This Universe Good?” It is probably important to remember that the God hypothesis includes the claim that universal or ultimate mind – which is what God is – already includes the sum of all possible perfections, and the knowledge of all possible worlds. The hypothesis also claims that ultimate mind creates for the sole purpose of bringing about good universes for its enjoyment and pleasure, even though there is no reason to suppose that we can have this kind of knowledge of what universal mind might be like. It is vital to bear these aspects of God, including the speculatively additional ones, in mind.

    In the first section Ward tries to convince his readers – though he did not convince this one – that, “in order to actualize new forms of goodness” it is not possible for God to create a universe with intelligent life without any evils at all. (92) Yet it must be the case that these evils do not outweigh the goods. It is not altogether clear why Ward introduces the qualification regarding intelligent life (which, as we will see, he drops in a moment), especially in view of the fact that, even if it had been the case that no intelligent life had developed on the earth – and there is, despite the claims made by Ward, no necessity involved in this – we were, as Dawkins says, not planned for or aimed at – there would still have been a preponderance of evil over good, of suffering over pleasure. The process of evolution itself would guarantee this, as Darwin was perhaps the first to recognise (though, in The Origin of Species, he tried very hard to soften the blow by supposing that animals in the wild do not feel fear and die quickly. (Origin, 1859 edition, 79). So, in the second section, where it is asked whether this universe is good, Ward suggests that, while this may not be, as Leibniz thought, the best of all possible worlds, it may be the best world in which the particular values that can be realised by the existence of carbon-based forms of life. And he adds, for good measure: “God may well desire such life-forms. In that case some evils must exist in our world.” (93) What he should have said, of course, is that God does desire such life-forms, for here we are, and in Ward’s argument, we are here because God desired us to be here so that he could enjoy the particular values that our being here provides.

    However, even Ward recognises that this is not enough. He knows full well that the pain and suffering endured by people – and Ward recognises that there is no need to limit ourselves just to the suffering of self-conscious life (although many if not most religions have done so) – is simply too great to be dealt with in terms of this world alone. So, he goes on to suggest, at once, that God could still redeem the evil that exists in this world, the evil that must exist in any world in which carbon-based forms of life like our own are to be found. It might be that God could “ensure that no evil – no pain suffered by any sentient creature – was utterly useless, or without good effect, not only for the universe in general, but also for the suffering creature itself.” (93) I do not think this, and the specificity he adds to it, sufficiently deals with the problem of evil.

    It is very important to take note of the words that Ward uses in the course of attempting, unsuccessfully, in my view, to defend God. The words ‘would’, ‘might’, ‘may’, and ‘could’ predominate. For instance: “A perfectly good God would never desire suffering, but might perhaps be able to use suffering for the good of the sufferer as well as for others.” (93) Or: “But I do mean that suffering could be used to realize a form of good that otherwise would not have existed.” (93) For example, since God is the source of all existence, “God could give the sufferer a new form of existence in which new sorts of good exist, for the sufferer herself, that have their precise character because of the suffering that has been endured.” (94) (The last qualification, of course, is to get round the problem, that if God could create a better world, then why didn’t he do it straight away, rather than forcing creatures to undergo such great suffering first.) Considering the quite horrendous levels of suffering that people (and animals too) in this world suffer every day, that is a quite outrageous suggestion. Think of the person burned to death by the Inquisition, or the person tormented to death by experimentation in Auschwitz, or the animal caught in a trap in the wilds of northern Canada, or the teenager trapped in a burning car on the freeway. Does it really make sense to speak of a new form of existence whose precise character, in each case, depends on the – note the word – precise character of the suffering endured? For what else on these terms but the precise character of the suffering could dictate the precise character of the good? If this makes sense to you then I am quite frankly appalled. And I am appalled to think that anyone thinks there might be a super intelligent mind who could take pleasure in the creation of lives that are known beforehand will suffer such miseries as these, no matter what distant redemptive purpose there might be in so creating them. It so offends my sense of anything that might be considered good, that I do not at all wonder that people have done such horrid things in the names of their gods.

    Keith Ward pretends, from start to finish, to be a kind, thoughtful guide to the mysteries of religious belief and to the wacky ideas of those who oppose it. He poses as someone who is on the side of what most people think, and of what most thoughtful people, like professional theologians and philosophers, or at least a majority of them, have always thought throughout history. He also makes a great show of being right up to date about what is being thought about in physics and cosmology, and attempts to show that the God hypothesis makes a pretty good showing in this company. He makes every effort that he can to show that Dawkins is not only amateurish in the way that he deals with questions concerning religion or philosophy, but that he is also astonishingly ignorant of things that, as a scientist, he should know. For example, he even says, of one thing that Dawkins says about religion: “I have to say that this is one of the most obviously false statements in the history of human thought.” (61) And on the very next page he tells us that Dawkins is mistaken, “astonishingly – about the history of science.” (62) These are remarkably harsh judgements, even for a little book of Christian apologetics.

    So, I will end with a few remarks about these things. What did Dawkins say that Ward thinks so obviously false? Well, here it is. “Religion teaches us that it is a virtue to be satisfied with not understanding.” (TGD, 126) Or, as he puts it a few pages later: “If you don’t understand how something works, never mind: just give up and say God did it.” (TGD, 132) Fair enough. Those are, indeed, belligerent words, and perhaps Dawkins might have expressed himself more moderately. But that is not what Ward is asking for. He claims that this is one of the most obviously false statements in the history of human thought! All he needed to point out, Ward suggests, is that, while God may give us a perfectly good explanation for the existence of the universe, since we have no access to the mind of God, the God hypothesis can make no testable predictions, and therefore empirical questions are the province of science, not religion. There, case closed.

    But is it really as simple as all that? It would be nice to be able to say that it was, but it’s not. There are indeed some expressions of some religions about which this can be said, where empirical questions are entirely left to the province of science, but it cannot be said of all religions, of any religion at certain points in its history, nor of all expressions of any religion today. And Dawkins is a biologist who specialises in evolution, and this is an area in which, for practically every religion, there are large segments of it which will not leave biology to get on with its work. There are significant, and worrying proportions, of Christians and Muslims who do think that empirical questions are the province of religion. And it is just a bit silly for Ward to ignore this, as though this were not a fairly large and continuing problem amongst his own co-religionists, though possibly even more of a problem with Islam.

    It is all very well to say, very breezily, about Newton, that “Newton was inspired to search for the general laws of motion and mechanics precisely by the thought that the universe was designed by God, in which case its laws would be both intelligible and elegant.” (61) But it is hard to think of a more biased perception of the scientific revolution of the 17th century than that one, though on the strength of it he is prepared to say that Dawkins is astonishingly ignorant of the history of science. There is no space to go into it fully here, but there was so much intellectual ferment in the 16th and 17th centuries that could not, by any stretch of the imagination, be attributed solely or even chiefly to Christianity, that it is preposterous to speak in terms of Newton’s specifically Christian inspiration to search for the laws of motion.

    Scientific thinking is, indeed, a very peculiar kind of thought, one that is exceptionally difficult to adapt to and employ with rigour. It would take far more than Christianity to inspire scientific thinking, especially since, to such a large extent, Christianity is still bound by rules of precedence and tradition. One only has to watch the farrago of the Anglican Communion tearing itself apart over the question of whether gay and lesbian Christians can be accepted within the Christian fellowship, to recognise how difficult it is for a religion to change its mind, and how much damage it can do while it tries. Scientific thinking does not come naturally, and it is especially difficult for religious people to master, but not only for religious people. Chinese civilisation, which was arguably technologically far in advance of 16th and 17th century Europe, and had been so for some time, never discovered the special critical methods of scientific modes of thinking. Indeed, it was arguably the breakdown of Christianity at the time of the Reformation and Renaissance that helped to incubate and nurture the very tender shoot of scientific thinking that had begun to develop, but was even then by no means secure, as many examples of exile, punishment and the indexing of books testify. Had Rome still been in untroubled command of Europe, it is very doubtful that science would have developed when and where it did. That of course is too brief a response to Ward’s uncharitable judgements, but it will have to do.

    All in all, while this book is written with verve and style, and with some humour, not all of it kind, it seems to me that Ward has not made his case. The God hypothesis is still a hypothesis, and there does not seem to be much reason to suppose that it is either reasonable or true.

    Works Cited

    Aquinas, Thomas. Summa Theologica.
    Armstrong, Karen. Man vs. God. Wall Street Journal.

    Darwin, Charles. On the Origin of Species: A Facsimile of the First Edition. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press; Facsimile of 1 ed edition, 2001.
    Dawkins, Richard. The God Delusion. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2006.
    —. The Greatest Show on Earth: The Evidence for Evolution. London: Bantam Press, 2009.
    Searle, John R. Mind: A Brief Introduction. Oxford: University Press, 2004.
    Ward, Keith. Why There Almost Certainly is a God: Doubting Dawkins. Oxford: Lion Hudson, 2008.

    Note: All references are in the text. Page numbers alone refer to the book under review. All other by name or initials, e.g., TGD = The God Delusion, except Summa Theologica: Question = Q, Article = Art, Objection = Obj, Reply to Objection = Reply Obj.

  • Rape in the Mullahs’ Prisons

    Since the inception of the Islamic regime in Iran in 1979, rapes of political prisoners have increasingly been committed, although rarely reported. Many courageous victims have recently revealed their subjection to rapes. Surprisingly, however, after the controversial June 2009 election, the losing candidate Mehdi Karrubi revealed that people detained during the post-election protests, both male and female, have been systematically subjected to vicious rapes.

    After the conquest of ancient Persia by the Arab Muslims in 644, tens of thousands, probably, millions of Iranian females were raped, enslaved, and transported away as war-booty to be sold in slave-markets of Arab-Islamic territories. The Persian word ‘Tajovoz’ does not only mean ‘rape’ by which a man seized or stole a wife, but also means destruction and occupation of one’s environment by invaders. In a belief system in which a passive nine-year-old girl may be raped by her ‘husband’, rape, as an extension of such a patriarchal societal control over females, was introduced by the Arab Muslims as the most hideous, shameful, and submissive element in the culture of occupied Iran. Since the occupation by Arab Muslims, Iranian women, who once equated with their male compatriots, have been since viewed as male possessions, first of their fathers, then of their husbands. In case of rape in Islamised Persia, they were subjected to blame and shame more than their rapists.

    Shortly after the 1979 revolution, many intellectuals, political activists, and sympathisers of the leftist opposition were arrested, and many of them were summarily executed. Virgin prisoners were generally raped before being executed. The reason is that according to the Islamic regime’s interpretation of Islamic laws, killing of a virgin woman is prohibited, because a virgin’s soul goes to Heaven, not to Hell, after death. To solve the dilemma, the night before the execution, the virgin is married by one of the guards, and the marriage is consummated overnight, before the execution is carried out. Apart from such rape, the interrogators of the Mullah regime routinely use rape as a tool of torture to obtain information, confession, or, simply, to humiliate the prisoner.

    The rape of a male victim typically consists of forced penetration of the anus by a penis or other object as has been reported by some Iranian rape-victims. Because of traditional self-censorship, male-rape has until recently remained unreported in Iran. It is believed that a man in a patriarchal culture should be masculine, strong and able to protect himself. Therefore, nothing can be worse, more shameful, for a proud man than being forcibly raped. Young men, who have survived the post-election rapes, are now suffering from rigorous psychological injuries. Rape of male prisoners in the Mullahs’ jails has caused serious damage to inner organs of the victims and depression to them. Since male victims feel shame to identify themselves, they avoid medical treatment unless the victim is seriously injured.

    It is believed that religious permission of rape, including male-rape, of ‘opponents of the Islamic regime’ has been recently given by Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi, the monitor and spiritual guru of president Ahmadinejad. Islamic authorities usually deny that rape is being committed in their prisons, fearing strong reaction from the public, both inside and outside.

    In an interview at the Jamkaran gathering after the revelation of rape in the Mullah’s prisons, Mesbah Yazdi was asked: “Can an interrogator rape the prisoner in order to obtain a confession?” He answered: “The necessary precaution is for the interrogator to perform a ritual washing first and say prayers while raping the prisoner. If the prisoner is female, it is permissible to rape through the vagina or anus. It is better not to have a witness present. If it is a male prisoner, then it’s acceptable for someone else to watch while the rape is committed.”

    Zahra Bani Yaghoub, Azar Al Cana’an, and Roya Toloui are among the female prisoners who were raped and murdered in past years under the same Islamic regime. Additionally, at least two recent teenage female victims of the post-election oppression in Iran, Tahmineh Mousavi and Saeedeh Pour Agha’i, were documented by the media as being burnt in an attempt to cover up the hideous crime.

    To shed light on Mesbakh Yazdi’s permission of rape, it is believed that in numerous offensive raids, called ‘Ghazawat’, early Muslims, under the Prophet, attacked ‘infidel’ tribes; they killed men, robbed their properties, and took whichever females they wanted, raped them, and then brought them to their tribe as their slave-possessions. Tolerance of such brutalities in Islam may not be universally believed by Muslims and might be regarded as myth. However, these are the mindsets of the brutal Islamic regime that rules Iran and commits such horrendous crimes.

    In an ultimate psychological analysis of rape, rapists seem to come from a subculture of violence, whose values may be different from those of the mainstream. A rapist is often a poorly educated man from the lower socioeconomic strata, who had a criminal record. Therefore such a man may be demonstrating his toughness and masculinity in a more violent and antisocial manner, but in the case of a rapist of the Mullahs’ prisons, this is not the dominant factor.

    Rapists of the Mullahs’ prisons are not necessarily the psychopathic and antisocial torturers, but most likely ‘pious’ Muslims, married men, and even kind fathers. They just follow the ‘divine’ guidance of the Islamic regime, and do not consider those rapes as crimes, and do not feel remorse after the assault. These sexual ‘offenders’ are not accountable for their sexual assaults, because rape is allowed or tolerated by Islamic clerics of the regime.

    Rape in the Mullahs’ prisons is not an individual decision of an interrogator, as one may commonly believe; it is a systematic process based on a belief system, and for promoting a political agenda. In the Mullahs’ prisons, rapes are often planned. The primary motive for rape is not sexual. They regard and believe in rape as a routine duty, due to its prescription by Islamic clerics of high stature like Ayatollah Mesbakh Yazdi, and its acceptance by the entire Mullah regime. With that in mind, their act of rape is not merely a question of psycho-criminality, but a justified crime.

  • The Myth of the Holy Fool

    One of the mainstays of conservative writing in the last two centuries has been the “holy fool.” We find him in Russian novels and English poems, in Gandhian musings and Tolstoyan diatribes. While the term originally referred to a person lacking intelligence but endowed with great spiritual wisdom, it has since come to describe the reactionary’s notion of the common man; lacking in independent thought and uninterested in free expression, he toddles through life perfectly untroubled by the skepticism and cold reason of liberalism and modernity.

    The fool is the eternal darling of the deepest reactionaries. He is the pious underling, the serf who kisses his master’s whip. He toils through life as his ancestors did before him, never questioning his station or the judgment of his “natural superiors.” Whether or not such a person exists is irrelevant. In the conservative canon, he is everywhere. He fills those enormous “red states” in the U.S., he lives in the provinces and rural villages beyond the city walls. He is “involved in his community” and is always ready to guard that community from misfits and outsiders. Finally, his faith in God, church, and family are thoroughly unshakeable.

    While it is undeniably the case that wisdom is not merely to be derived from an elite education, and that the intelligence of human beings cannot be ranked in a linear hierarchy, the myth of the fool makes neither of these claims, nor does it refer to any actual working class or rural population other than that which exists in the imagination of “The Moral Majority.” What the myth of the fool does is to romanticize ignorance and superstition, when the fact of the matter is that both are an imposition, foisted upon the oppressed by the powerful, and standing in the way of emancipation.

    This essay is not an exhaustive bibliography of the fool’s works, simply an illustration of his staying power in the world’s literature. Admittedly, not all conservative writers have appealed to the fool. Evelyn Waugh seems never to have affected any fondness for common people, for instance. However, the fool is a very useful device for conservative and reactionary authors. If one takes up the cause of tradition and ancient custom, one invariably defends ancient injustices and barbarisms as well. What better way to defend such injustices than to present the victims as willing lambs to the slaughter? The Holy Fool, the lover of God and King, was the perfect device for feudal conservatives, as it allowed such writers to claim that they stood for the interests of the toiling masses.

    The trope may be found in particular abundance in Russian literature. Turgenev was, admittedly, a liberal (his Sketches from a Hunter’s Album was a condemnation of serfdom and a plea for its abolition). However, readers today will be surprised to see, in Fathers and Sons, the radical nihilist and opponent of serfdom Yevgeny Bazarov depicted as contemptuous of the common people. While he is one of the more sympathetic characters in the book, devoting himself to rational enquiry and mingling with the peasants on an equal footing, it is never doubted by the author and the other characters that he holds such people in low esteem. It is the “fathers” of the book’s title, the aristocratic landowners (and owners of serfs), who speak warmly of their paternal concern for the peasants’ welfare. This is obviously a patronizing attitude, but it reflects the appeal of the archetype of the fool. If the oppressed and the serfs accept their oppression merrily, then it is the masters who are their true benefactors, not the devilish liberals seeking to drag them into the blinding light of freedom. When Bazarov cuts open his frogs and explains the principles of anatomy to the serfs, he is doing them a disservice, ending their happy innocence, or so we might be led to believe.

    Perhaps the most eminent arch-conservative fool-peddler was Dostoevsky. Although he was a liberal in his early days, Dostoevsky’s conversion to the Orthodox faith and reactionary politics at gun-point is now famous. The Idiot, as one might guess from the novel’s title, is the most obvious example of the fool trope, yet it recurs throughout his work. Dostoevsky was forever impressed by the simple, unquestioning piety of the Russian peasant. Early on in The Brothers Karamazov, we are treated to a weeping lady landowner moved to tears by the sight of “our beautiful Russian people… so simple in their majesty,” as they crowd around an Elder of the Church to receive miracle cures for their various ailments. While the lady in question is something of a figure of fun, it is nevertheless clear that Dostoevsky shares this romantic conception of the common people. In this case, the dangerous potential of the fool is made clear. If modern medicine pales in comparison to the power of prayer and the simple faith of the peasantry, then clearly they have no need of it. Dostoevsky, perhaps unintentionally, is making an argument that subjected generations of Russians to inadequate and ineffective medicine.

    Admittedly, not all conservative writers put the holy fool to such nefarious uses. Gogol is generally said to be a truly warm-hearted writer, full of empathy for the common people and the long-suffering clerks who populate his stories. He was also truly convinced, despite all evidence, that the traditional feudal hierarchy could someday be a hierarchy of love and mutual respect. The idea of such paternalism may leave liberals and lovers of freedom cold. Most would say that the oppressed should not be forced to wait for an imagined future in which the oppressors will show uncharacteristic benevolence. However, we should keep in mind that the fool is not always a mere guise for the callous designs of the ruling classes.

    For instance, the trope may be found in G.K. Chesterton’s Manalive, and in much of that writer’s thought and philosophy. It also must be admitted that Chesterton quite genuinely felt himself to be on the side of “the poor—the slaves who really stoop under the burden of life.” Essays such as “In Defense of Penny Dreadfuls” and “Democracy and Industrialism” will move even those who reject his pious worldview.

    We may also be surprised that Tolstoy was so fond of the trope. There is the aptly named short story “Ivan the Fool,” of course, but even in such works as “Master and Man,” “The Death of Ivan Ilyich” and the later political and religious writings, Tolstoy showcases a supreme dislike of reason and a love of simplicity. The eponymous hero of “The Death of Ivan Ilyich” realizes too late that he has spent his life in entirely the wrong way, pursuing personal ambition and doing what he was told. It is only in love for others and selfless devotion to fellow creatures, Tolstoy implies, that one finds meaning in existence. Most atheists would agree, although they might question just why a God-centered ethic should promote love for our Earthly cohabitants better than a materialist ethic when its gaze is so clearly heavenward. Still, the message speaks to all people who are devoted to justice. What surprises us is that Ilyich’s change of heart comes about as the result of the spectacle of his serf’s devotion. Tolstoy believes that the master ought to serve the servant on hand and knee, yet he sees nothing reprehensible in the servant’s obedience. Again, in “Master and Man” another one of Tolstoy’s heartbreakingly poignant investigations of the beauty of altruism, we see the actions of a selfless servant contrasted with those of a selfish master, and are instructed to admire the former.

    This admiration for submission to inequality may smack of conservatism, yet Tolstoy was no reactionary. Unlike Dostoevsky, he was a truly uncompromising enemy of the czar and the feudal hierarchy. He was an admirer of such liberals as Victor Hugo and an opponent of militarism. Most important of all, he loathed serfdom and praised equality. We can only understand him, then, as occupying the same odd niche of the political spectrum as such Romantics as Rousseau and William Blake. Tolstoy, Blake, and Rousseau were all radicals and revolutionaries, yet all were anti-modern, highly religious (albeit in unorthodox ways, especially in Rousseau’s case), and worshipped the fool in his many guises. One can only conclude that such people were driven by sympathy and concern for the oppressed to the point that they made a virtue of their every aspect, including their ignorance.

    The particularly alarming thing about Rousseau and Tolstoy is that both are led, often by admirable motives, to a contempt for free thought and free inquiry. These are the luxuries of the ruling classes, they seem to suggest. The common people are not troubled by either, nor should they be. One wishes they had seen that free thought and free inquiry are the great enemies of tyranny, and that the task of liberals is to vouchsafe for all people the free expression of individual personality. If the vast run of people do not yet feel that they hold such a right, it is not because they do not want it, but because it has not been offered to them.

    William Blake is very similar, and can, like Tolstoy, read alternately as an uncompromising revolutionary and a true blue Tory. When we first encounter him in school, he is little more than the patronizing author of “The Tyger” and “The Lamb”—the lover of childlike piety and simplicity who is bound to irritate any freethinking youngster. Such lines as this, from “The Auguries of Innocence” seemed, when I first read them, calculated to offend (as I was undoubtedly “the questioner, who sits so sly”):

    He who respects the infant’s faith
    Triumphs over Hell and Death.
    The child’s toys and the old man’s reasons
    Are the fruits of the two seasons.
    The questioner, who sits so sly,
    Shall never know how to reply.
    He who replies to words of doubt
    Doth put the light of Knowledge out.

    When we discover him again, outside the classroom, he is anything but a pious school-book crank. Few poets have depicted such gut-wrenching human misery or written such enigmatic and troubling lines. “London,” the Chimney Sweeper poems, and the Jerusalem poems are some of the more famous (and best) examples of this other, more compelling Blake. Blake was also far from unquestioning in matters of religion. “The Little Vagabond” alone would make him a heretic by most standards, as would “The Garden of Love.” Finally, Blake’s revolutionary opinions, in opposition to slavery, degradation, and cruelty to animals, are quite pronounced in his verse.

    In spite of this, Blake was a believer in the myth of the Holy Fool, as evidenced by his love of simple faith and by his derision of free enquiry in the poem “Mock on, Voltaire and Rousseau” (funny that he should deride Rousseau, if, as I believe, they share a great many opinions). “The Clod and the Pebble,” another poem, features a bizarre version of this archetype, with the clod as a holy fool in miniature.

    In every instance in which the Holy Fool appears, whether in the work of convinced reactionaries or in that of anarchistic revolutionaries like Blake and Tolstoy, he serves to strengthen the case for ignorance, custom, and settled ways of doing things. Never does he stand for free thought, rational inquiry, and the right of the individual to determine her own life choices. He is therefore a myth to be resisted.

    It is, in fact, rare that the oppressed submit to their oppression with glee, whether such oppression comes in the form of serfdom, poverty, or merely the idea of a vengeful God. People often take their oppression for granted when no other options present themselves: that is the most that can be said. The peddlers of myths about holy fools might argue that women in Iran submit to gender apartheid and formal misogyny, but Azar Majedi’s most recent article on this website described a large and growing women’s movement in deep opposition to both. Other such peddlers might argue that the religious right in the United States represents “the average Joe”—a sort of holy fool—but it is increasingly understood to be the case that the U.S. working class wants health care and jobs, which the right is not interested in giving them, and that women, especially working class women, desire the reproductive rights which reactionary forces deny them. The holy fool is therefore the enemy of the great mass of people and of individual freedom: the freedom which is the only convincing guarantor of justice we have yet discovered.

  • Review of Karen Armstrong’s The Case for God

    One comes away from this book with the sense of having been bludgeoned into acquiescence, of being stunned with detail, and bewitched by misdirection. In his review of this book, Simon Blackburn begins by calling it interesting and eloquent. (Simon Blackburn on Karen Armstrong’s The Case for God.)
    I did not find it eloquent, and my interest often flagged as I ploughed one after another through a loosely connected catena of examples. It seems that Karen Armstrong has one book to write, and it involves, practically every time, an exhaustive telling of the history of how we became modern, and how terrible this has really been.

    Armstrong has scant ability to discipline her writing, to make selections, and to order them to some purpose. She begins at the beginning – almost every time – and then she writes until she comes to the end, and everything that gets included is a part of her theme, whether that theme is clear or not. She seldom thinks critically about what she is writing, and so she often makes simple mistakes and howling errors, and she makes them, one after the other, seriatim. But everything, we are to understand, goes to make her case, in this case, her case for God, even down to the details of Descartes’ enforced rest in a heated room.

    Armstrong does have a theory, and she pounds away at it with the relentlessness of a boxer at the height of his game. Her case for God amounts to this. The modern idea of God, as a being who exists ‘out there’, is a distortion of the original idea of God, which is not a being, or in any sense knowable, but is merely where our thought comes to rest beyond the limits of our language. This, she claims, was well known before the modern age, and no one, in those far off days, would even dream of suggesting that God exists in some sense as men and women exist. The problem lies in the mistaken idea, and a very recent idea too, that religion is easy, and that knowing religious truth is easy too. But it isn’t, we are assured right at the start. Religion is not easy. It is not accessible at the click of a mouse. No, religious truth reveals itself only to those who have embarked on a religious way of life: “You will only discover their truth – or lack of it – if you translate these doctrines into ritual or ethical action. Like any skill, religion requires perseverance, hard work and discipline.” (4)

    The implication of course, is clear. No one can reasonably comment on religious belief (which is not, we are assured, propositional, but a matter of trust and commitment), who has not undertaken the risks of religious commitment. Religion is, like riding a bicycle, or playing the harp, a knack that is developed with long practice and devotion. “People who acquired this knack,” Armstrong claims, “discovered a transcendent dimension of life that was not simply an external reality ‘out there’ but was identical with the deepest level of their being.” (5) This reality has been variously called God, Nirvana, Dao, Brahman, and it is, indeed, we are assured, “a fact of human life.” (5)

    What is this fact? Well, here is where the problems begin, because, in fact, this fact of human life is indescribable. The human mind is able, says Armstrong, “to have ideas and experiences that exceed our conceptual grasp.” We push our thoughts to an extreme, and then “our minds seem to elide [or to use another favourite term, segue] naturally into an apprehension of transcendence.” (5) And here she compares this experience of transcendence with the experience of music, because, she says, “like religion at its best, music marks the ‘limits of reason’.” (5) At the very end of the book she repeats this claim, saying that, “as we saw at the beginning of this book, [music] is a ‘definitively’ rational activity, [and] is itself a ‘natural theology’. In music, the mind experiences a pure, direct emotion that transcends ego and fuses subjectivity and objectivity.” (314) I’m not altogether sure that this makes sense, but it links up with her claim that perhaps the only viable natural theology that there is “lies in religious experience.” (313)

    And this brings us immediately to the next big claim, which is that the experience of pushing one’s thoughts beyond the limits of language, to the mystery which “lies beyond words, concepts and categories,” actually issues in a radical transformation of the person, so that the person is somehow led beyond what she calls ‘the prism of selfhood’ (271) and returns, kenotically, that is, self-emptyingly, to a life of compassion. This is something which characterises all the great religions, according to Armstrong, and the truth which lies beyond the limits of language, the experience of the mystery which defies description, that is, of God, Nirvana, Dao, or Brahman, issues in acts of kindness and compassion.

    This is the sum and substance of Armstrong’s book. The rest is just interpretation. The main purpose of the interpretation is to show how this truth, known by all the great religions, has been perverted by the experience of modernity, and translated into just another being, which can be known, or not known, on the basis of argumentation from the things that exist. This being, having been separated from the instinctive life of humanity, and pushed away from it, confining it, as Armstrong says, “like Blake’s Tyger, to ‘distant deeps and skies’,” (314) is unrelated to the unspeakable truths of the state of unknowing transcendence with which the religions have really to deal.

    It follows from Armstrong’s understanding of religion and the part that God plays in religion, that religion itself can never be a matter of final truths, definitively stated. The word ‘dogma’, for instance, Armstrong tells us, is, by the Greek Fathers of the Church, used “to describe a truth that could not be put readily into words.” She adds that it “could only be understood after long immersion in ritual, and, as the understanding of the community deepened, changed from one generation to another.” (312) She goes on, rather irrelevantly it seems, to tell us that we no longer understand the word ‘theoria’ as the Greeks did, as contemplation; rather, we understand it now as ‘theory’, “an idea in our heads that has to be proved.” (312) Of course, this is related to what she says about ‘dogma’ (though she does not point this out), because she wants to say of both that the experience encapsulated by these words is of something that literally goes beyond the limits of language, and cannot be expressed in words.

    Neither point is by any means clear. In Book X of the Nicomachean Ethics, where Aristotle speaks about theoria, he speaks clearly of contemplating truth. Indeed, happiness as activity in accordance with the highest virtue is theoria, because contemplation or reason is the best thing in us, and the objects of reason are the most knowable objects! (cf. Bk X, 7, 11-22) And if we turn to the Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, in its entry under the word ‘dogma’, it reads as follows: “The original meaning of the word was ‘that which seems good’, and hence it was applied by classical authors as a technical term either to the distinctive tenets of the various philosophical schools or to the decrees of public authorities. … ‘Dogma’, in the Christian sense as opposed to the teachings of the philosophers, soon acquired a definite theological significance. In the accepted Christian meaning the term signifies a religious truth established by Divine Revelation and defined by the Church.” If she wants to make the points that she sets out to make about the ideas of theory and dogma, and their role in religion, Armstrong must do some more work.

    Nevertheless, Armstrong perseveres in her understanding of religious truth as something that is beyond the limits of language, so that religious teachings, in the Bible or elsewhere, are always open to repeated reinterpretation and updating as times change. She goes so far as to claim – and it is hard to credit this – that “Jewish, Christian and Muslim scholars all insisted on the paramount importance of intellectual integrity and thinking for oneself.” (311) How she can say this, when she knows exactly what heresy means, is simply beyond me. But her understanding of religious truth is so deeply buried in authoritarianism, that it is indeed difficult to know what she might mean by ‘thinking for oneself.’ If religion can be known only through submission to a way of life and a practice, then thinking for oneself, that is, moving outside of the way, is, in fact, a matter of unfaithfulness. Belief, for Armstrong, is not propositional. It is a matter of commitment to and trust in a practice, a way of life. Thinking for oneself can only be to go one’s own way, which was the original meaning of ‘heresy’.

    This is clear in her criticism of the catechism. She criticises the catechism she learned as a child for stopping the process of religious exploration early. “The process that should have led to a stunned appreciation [my italics] of an ‘otherness’ beyond the reach of language ended prematurely. The result is that many of us were left stranded with an incoherent concept of God.” (307) But of course, if the three stage mystical process of Denys (Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite) had been carried out, it is doubtful if she would, at that stage, have attained the mystical coherence which Denys intended her to reach, nor is it likely that her concept of God would have been any more coherent, since there is an inherent incoherence in the idea of that which lies beyond our words and concepts. As Don Cupitt points out, there is something strange in the idea of an ineffability which is effed as being ineffable. “How can I pretend to remember that at some past moment I was so rapt that I was out of time altogether? Indeed, how can someone pretend to remember and to describe a state of being so lost in immanence that he can be in no condition to remember anything?” (Mysticism and Modernity, 33) These are questions which Armstrong needs to put to herself. But I wish to return to the idea of ‘stunned appreciation’, because it makes so clear how deeply Armstrong’s understanding of religion as life and practice is based on authority. Unknowing also means, in this case, unquestioning, and this has a disturbing resonance.

    Armstrong accuses Dawkins’ theology of being merely rudimentary (294), but a few words about the limits of language and kenosis and compassion is really the sum and substance of Armstrong’s theology. No doubt, whereof one cannot speak, thereof one must perforce be silent. As Blackburn says in his review, “Armstrong firmly recommends silence, having written at least 15 books on the topic.” But it is hard to understand why, given the highly focused nature of her own dealings with the theological tradition, she should suggest that Dawkins’ theology is so rudimentary. Just repeating the same point over and over through different historical transitions does nothing to enrich her theology, or to relate it to the incredibly complex and humanly rich thought structures of the great theologians, like Barth or Tillich. We are, however, given a little glimpse as to how Armstrong thinks Dawkins should have proceeded, and this is enlightening. (In addition to calling his theology rudimentary, she also accuses Dawkins of ‘scientism’, but we will bypass this for the moment.) How would an intelligent atheist go about his or her critique of religion? I need to quote her at some length again:

    An intelligent atheistic critique could help us to rinse our minds of the more facile theology that is impeding our understanding of the divine. We may find that for a while we have to go into what mystics called the dark night of the soul or the cloud of unknowing. This will not be easy for people used to getting instant information at the click of a mouse. But the novelty and strangeness of this negative capability could surprise us into awareness that stringent ratiocination is not the only means of acquiring knowledge. (313)

    I have to admit that I do not know whether this is said tongue-in-cheek or not, but the irony should be evident. The atheist, even if pushed to admit that the religious do not believe that we can know anything definitive about God, that God is, indeed, beyond access to human language and thought, so that it can be known only in unknowing, would not, I suspect, even then, think that it was part of the atheist’s task to remove obstacles to our understanding of the divine. Even if the atheist were forced to admit that the religious did not apply any words univocally to both God and humanity, and that the religious account of God would always fall short, and be understood in terms of analogy or even mythos, it does not seem to me likely that ‘belief in’ God, so understood, whatever the word ‘belief’ is taken to mean here, would still be enough to convince the atheist that the religious person’s ‘belief’ or ‘experience’ was anything other than purely human, and not in any case in touch with something divine.

    But we are bound, I think, to put some more strenuous questions to Armstrong. Her claim, remember, is that it has not been until modernity that the idea of God as a being ‘out there’ was even conceptualised, that all earlier religion understood that God could not be known, or could be known only by unknowing and mystery through the medium of religious practice, story or mythos. As soon as God was conceived as being, somehow, within the scope human language and human concepts, as soon as it was thought that God was somehow discernible within the world, God was no longer the God of religion. Quoting from Pascal’s ‘Memorial’, stitched into his coat, about the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, not the God of philosophers, Armstrong immediately adds: “Pascal could see that Christianity was about to make a serious mistake.” (194) It was only now, Armstrong says, that atheism had become a serious option, and Pascal was one of the first to recognise this. (194)

    It is time to ask whether Armstrong is right, whether, in fact, religion was always aware of the fact that God could be known only by way of unknowing, and that, before the modern age, God was never thought of as a being somehow ‘out there’, that we could come to know, at least in part, by studying the things that are. Let’s start right there, with the idea that it is possible to come to know God from the existence of the universe. Very strangely, Armstrong takes it as a consequence of the Christian doctrine of creation ex nihilo that it is impossible to know anything about God. “We have seen,” she says – which is not true, because we have only been told this – “that the doctrine of creation ex nihilo made it clear to Christians that the natural world could tell us nothing about God and that the Trinity taught them that they could not think of God as a simple personality.” (310-311)

    But why should she think this? Creation ex nihilo is not taught in the Bible. It is a theological construct. The basic reason for believing that the universe was created out of nothing by God is twofold. First, the fact that the universe as we know it was shaped out of some pre-existing something, a dark chaos, perhaps, would always leave the suggestion that there is something within creation that is opposed to God. There are signs of this dualism in the Bible. God is sometimes pictured (e.g., at Isaiah 27.1), at the beginning of creation, subordinating the powers of chaos, depicted as Leviathan, the great sea serpent, but these powers are still not completely subdued. Indeed, the description of the Flood in Genesis is quite clearly a story of the reversal of the creative process, with chaos breaking in from every side, and the waters, that had been separated to created dry land, inundating the fertile earth that God had made. It is true that this is a result of God’s decision, and the powers of chaos are exercised by God, but the powers of chaos are there, always menacingly opposed to God’s creative will.

    Accordingly, the second feature of the idea of creation ex nihilo is that God should be supreme, the only principle of existence in the universe, as befits the Almighty. But, as coming from God’s hand, the creation must provide evidence for God’s nature, and Jesus, for example, takes this to be so when he bids us regard the birds of the air and the flowers of the field. And, of course, Paul in Romans 1, is very explicit, when he tells us that “ever since the creation of the world his eternal power and divine nature, invisible though they are, have been understood and seen through the things he has made.” (Rom 1. 20) And when, in Acts, we are told that when Paul came to the Areopagus in Athens, he remarked to those gathered there that he had come upon an altar with the inscription, “To an Unknown God”, whereat he immediately turned to them and said, “What therefore you worship as unknown, this I proclaim to you. The God who made the world and everything in it, he who is Lord of heaven and earth, does not live in shrines made by human hands, nor is he served by human hands, as though he needed anything, since he himself gives to all mortals life and breath and all things,” and he goes on to quote pagan poets, and to say that “in him we live and move and have our being.” (Acts 17.23-28) There is here a frank admission, at the same time that Paul expands upon the concept of God in terms that recall Tillich’s idea of God as the Ground of Being, that God is knowable by the things that he has made. And this is a tradition of philosophical and theological study (natural, or philosophical, theology) which did not originate in the modern period, but has many ancient predecessors.

    I should like to attend now to a claim that Armstrong makes regarding the terms ‘dogma’ and ‘kerygma’, because it is characteristic of the way that she deals with evidence. Her failure to mention either Jesus or Paul in speaking about our knowledge of God from the things that are made is significant, I believe, and the same tendency is evident in her use of Basil the Great. Basil, one of the Cappadocian Fathers (which included also Gregory of Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus), made a distinction, according to Armstrong, between kerygma and dogma, and here is how she describes their function: “Basil always distinguished between the kerygma of the Church (its public message) and its dogma, the inner meaning of the kerygma, which could only be grasped after long immersion in liturgical prayer,” and then we are referred to Chapter XXVII, Paragraph 66 of Basil’s treatise “On the Spirit.” This will repay closer study. Here’s the relevant quote:

    Of the beliefs and practices whether generally or publicly enjoined which are preserved in the Church some we possess derived from written teaching; others we have received delivered to us “in a mystery” by the tradition of the apostles; and both of these in relation to true religion have the same force. [Basil then describes some of these traditions: signing with the cross those who have believed, turning to the East to pray, the invocation at the displaying of the bread of the Eucharist and the cup of blessing.] For we are not, as is well known [he continues], content with what the apostle or the Gospel has recorded, but in preface and conclusion we add other words as being of great importance to the validity of the ministry, and these we derive from unwritten teaching. Moreover we bless the water of baptism and the oil of the chrism, and besides this the catechumen who is being baptized. On what written authority do we do this? Is not our authority silent and mystical tradition?

    But when and how does the distinction between dogma and kerygma enter in to this discussion? It does so by and by, and in this way  quoting once again from Basil: “‘Dogma’ and ‘Kergyma’ are two distinct things; the former is observed in silence: the latter is proclaimed to the world.” But the reason is not so plainly what Armstrong takes it to be. That which is observed in silence, and not proclaimed, is not consigned to silence because it is a matter of unknowing, but because, as Basil says, “Moses was wise enough to know that contempt attaches to the trite and to the obvious, while a keen interest is naturally associated with the unusual and the unfamiliar.” So, turning to the East for prayer is part of the mystical tradition, “but few of us know that we are seeking our old country, Paradise, which God planted in Eden in the East. We pray standing, on the first day of the week, but we do not all know the reason.” And so we could go on. But it is simply misleading to say that kerygma and dogma are distinguished in the way and for the reason suggested. It has a much more mundane explanation, and it is not all to the good of the reputation of religion, since it is, in a sense, a matter of thaumaturgy. The mystical, secret traditions do not so much reveal the inner meaning of the public teaching, as keep the practice of the faith intense and attractive. These are not spoken of in the public lore of the church, but are performed in the liturgy, and while they may indeed contribute to the meaningfulness of the liturgy for those experiencing its delights, it is only by overreaching that we can speak of it as expressing the inner meaning of the public teaching, and a way of unknowing.

    Armstrong forgets, I think, that at the time that Christianity appeared on the scene, there had already been a long period of interest in the existence and nature of the gods. Cicero’s The Nature of the Gods had been available for some 150 years by the time that Christian theologians began to write about the nature of theirs, and they were very aware of the intellectual ferment in the Hellenistic world. It is naive to suppose that ancient religion was merely, as Armstrong suggests, a practice, and not in any way associated with speculation and theory. This would have been entirely foreign to the world in which Christianity was born. Indeed, the early controversies of the church, especially as to the nature of the incarnation, and the relation of the incarnation to God the Father, show that not only were early Christian theologians adept at theological and philosophical disputation, but they took it in deadly earnest. Lives and reputations were lost, and fortunes were made on the strength of argumentation, and theologians were not above condemning as heretics those already dead, as was done to Origen. To suppose that all this complex argumentation was only a matter of commitment to a practice of unknowing is to suppose too much. The origins of Descartes’ God, or Newton’s, were clearly laid out very early. That these particular concepts lay to hand when they were needed is perhaps a sign that the foundations were laid well. That those foundations were flawed should come as no surprise when we consider the sheer richness and profusion of early Christian theology, and the desperate controversies that were to result from them.

    If Armstrong wishes to make a case for God, then she must do this. She cannot rely simply on a rather biased reading of history in order to make it. For, just as there were pious men like Pascal in the seventeenth century who were contemptuous of some of the modern uses that were being made of the idea of God, so there were disputatious men of the early centuries, for whom the concept of God that Armstrong thinks modern would have been the very stuff of their own thought. Early Christians were as eager to have proof of their beliefs, as any Christians today might be. Saying that they were not does not constitute a theology. What Armstrong must do is to show that she has a theology. This is not clear from her book. While she dismisses Dawkins’ theology as rudimentary, it is hard to see that Armstrong has one at all, and Dawkins does not mean to have one. It is fine to make pious noises about unknowing, and the kenosis that is supposed to be a result of it, but it is very trying to hear, time after time, that this is the true meaning of religion, when there is scant evidence in the tradition that it was. Certainly, no religious believer has ever believed that they have a complete understanding of what is meant by the word ‘god’. It always exceeds anything that we can say, because it is, in fact, by definition, greater than anything that we can think. It follows that all that religious practice can do is, at most, to take the religious seeker to the limits of language and drop him off. What happens beyond that either is or is not religious experience. But, if it is, it is not describable, and then we have all the reflexive problems that Don Cupitt is so concerned about, how we can possible remember something we cannot even imagine experiencing?

    But there is more than this. Because she has no theology, Armstrong is, I think, given to uncritical claims about religion and its value. She repeats several times the mantra that true religion is about kenosis, self-emptying, and compassion. This is particularly true, we are led to believe, about Islam, and she goes to great pains to excuse aspects of Islam that are indeed very troubling. We have seen how she thinks that Islam welcomes individual thinking, and encourages it. She suggests, at one point, that Islam was the last great religion to develop a fundamentalist form (284), yet Ibn Warraq does not hesitate to date the beginning of Islamic fundamentalism to the ninth or the eleventh centuries, when, as he says, “orthodox Islam emerged victorious from the encounter with Greek philosophy.” (Why I am not a Muslim, 241)

    It is very troubling to be told these things when we know that there are places in the Islamic world today where death is the penalty for disbelief. Everywhere, Armstrong depicts Islam as forward looking and progressive, tolerant, non-violent, given to compassion and devoted to justice. In the light of what is happening around her, this seems to me plainly obscene, and clear evidence that her thinking about religion has gone off the rails. She suggests that Islam is not aggressive, that the Qu’ran argues everywhere only for defensive war, yet she refuses to notice the very violent, aggressive nature of the Qu’ran itself, and the way it dismisses all those who do not believe, even though these unbelievers, having the Qu’ran, already know the truth. They are fit only to be thrown into eternal fire. She forgets that Mohammed was a warlord, and that much of his life was spent in fighting and subduing local tribes and stealing their women and booty. Do these constantly repeated threats, or this history, not mean anything or say anything about the religion that is founded upon them?

    And then, for Armstrong, with absurd aplomb, to suggest that theologians such as Bultman or Tillich “offer a very different view and are closer to mainstream tradition than any fundamentalist,” (293) seems to spin beyond reason and evidence altogether, given the hesitancy with which their theology has been received by the contemporary church. Of course, Armstrong wants to claim that the idea, put forward by Tillich, for instance, that God is not amongst those beings which exist, but is Being Itself, is in fact at the heart of the Christian tradition. But if she wants to show this – and I am not at all confident that she can do so – she must really do it. She must show – not just tell us – how the central traditions of Christianity actually include the way of unknowing and kenosis. I do not deny that the traditions of unknowing and kenosis are there, but still much of the evidence points the other way. The detailed dogma of Christianity, a structure of theological belief which was hammered out in great detail in the early centuries of the church’s life, tells a very different story. The fact that this theological structure has been upheld and defended by fire and sword, and actually led to an almost total breakdown of civil order in Europe during the seventeenth century, indicates that more was at stake than unknowing.

    This inevitably has a bearing on her criticisms of Dawkins and the so-called ‘new atheists’, for they take the realistic God of so much Christian doctrine as the basis for their critique of religion. Armstrong claims that Dawkins is guilty of scientism. In fact, she says that, “For the new atheists, scientism alone can lead us to the truth.” And then she goes on immediately to add that “science depends upon faith, intuition and aesthetic vision as well as on reason.” (295) Since she has gone to great lengths to point out that faith is not propositional, but a matter of commitment, I suppose scientists can say that their methods do depend on a commitment to the intelligibility of the world, that by study and rigorous experiment and testing of hypotheses, the world will yield up its secrets. There also seems to be little reason to deny that scientific advances have often come about through sheer intuition and eureka moments, nor that the elegance and beauty of a theory has often been, by scientists who know, considered to be indications that they were on the right track. But scientism? That is something else entirely. It is a belief that we can know nothing except by the methods of the sciences, and that which cannot be so known must be consigned to the flames. And so all the complexity of human relationships, the beauty of art, the wonders of the natural world, the ecstasy of love: all these things must be rejected, for we cannot know them by means of science. This is beneath contempt.

    It may be true – though I do not say that it is – that there is, amongst the ‘new atheists’ “a disturbing lack of understanding of or concern about the complexity and ambiguity of modern experience.” (293) I am not convinced that this is true, though it may be argued. Of course, I would want to argue that Armstrong shows a disturbing lack of understanding of or concern for the very real complexities of the way that religion is playing itself out in the world today, and a too ready willingness to dismiss religious outrages as not truly religious. And if the polemic of the new atheists “entirely fails to mention the concern for justice and compassion that, despite their undeniable failings, has been espoused by all three of the monotheisms,” (293) I should have thought that a glance at the world today might be reason enough to wonder whether these really are the main concerns of religion, whether espoused or not. But, again, Armstrong must argue this, and not just tell us that it is so.

    There is still more. On several occasions towards the end of her book, Armstrong argues very vehemently that the new atheists are simply making a bad situation worse. Do they not realise that “The history of fundamentalism shows that when these movements are attacked, they nearly always become more extreme?” (295) They should, then, moderate the polemic. Atheists are right, she says, to condemn abuses stemming from idolatrous religion. However, “when they insist that society should no longer tolerate faith and demand the withdrawal of respect from all things religious, they fall prey to the same intolerance.” (308-9) Since she does not cite sources for these claims, it is hard to know what she means. The so-called new atheists have never, to my knowledge, claimed that society should no longer tolerate faith, nor have they demanded the withdrawal of respect from all things religious. What they have said is that religion cannot hide behind the respect that it has been traditionally granted, and that it must be subject, as the expression of all ideas and beliefs must be in a free society, to criticism, to question, and indeed, if need be, to scorn. It has no right to expect special privileges, and it has not unreasonably been suggested that its claiming such special privilege permits it too easily to slip into abuse. If its response to criticism is to become more violent, then it seems clear that more criticism is needed, not less, until those holding beliefs which they believe should be privileged come to understand that, in a free society, none are exempt from criticism and even, it may be, from mockery and scorn. Some religious beliefs have shown themselves to be so deserving.

    One comes away from reading Armstrong feeling bruised. The words arise with such force and profusion that the point she is trying to make seems to get lost amongst them. Indeed, it is hard to believe, after the pain of reading one of her books, that she has sold so many of them, for who would willingly submit themselves to such torment? As I said earlier, to some extent Karen Armstrong has but one book, and she has written it many times. This is not unusual. But what is unusual is that she should think the same thing worth saying again and again, when she did not succeed, the first time, to say it convincingly. Armstrong must actually argue for her position. She cannot simply assume that telling the history of it will prove her point. Indeed, what Armstrong needs to do is to develop a theology, not by telling the history of theology, but by doing it. If what she has to say is genuinely worthwhile, this is the next step she will take. If she does not do it, we can be assured that the theology she espouses is as thin as this book is thick. Theology is hard work, as she says, and she has yet to do it.

    Armstrong, Karen. The Case for God: What Religion Really Means. London: The Bodley Head, 2009.

  • Saving Child Witches: a Nigerian Perspective

    Leo Igwe is the executive secretary of the Nigerian Humanist Movement.

    December 2008

    Some months ago, a British film-maker drew my attention to the plight of children in Akwa Ibom State who had been accused of being witches and wizards and thrown out of their homes by their families and relatives. In August, I travelled to the city of Eket to meet with these kids and the individuals helping to look after them, to find out how my organization could offer help and support.

    First of all, I met with Luckyimoh Inyang of Stepping Stones Nigeria. The UK branch of his organization is raising money to support these children. Mr. Inyang told me how they had been rescuing children who had been beaten, burnt and brutalized by their own parents, and he took me to a school block and a football field which some of these children had taken as their home. They sleep there at night and roam the streets during the day in search of food. We also met some of the kids on the streets, who were carrying plastic bags filled with rice, garri and soup. Mr. Inyang told me that was how the children were trying to survive: donations were not enough, so some of them try to support themselves by taking left over food items from ceremonies, even though they are sometimes physically attacked when they do this. The children looked sick, malnourished and unkempt.

    After meeting with Inyang, I went to see Mr. Sam Ikpe-Ituama of the Child’s Rights and Rehabilitation Network. Sam and his wife manage a camp where some of the kids live. Sam had been taking care of these children in his house, but eventually he had to set up the camp, with a school and a dormitory, to accommodate the increasing number of child victims. Right now the camp has over 130 children; most of them are less than ten years old. I interviewed some of them and they told me about their horrible and traumatic ordeals. Two girls described how they had been chained to a window for days, before being starved, beaten and thrown into the bush to die by parents and relations who accused them of causing diseases and death in the family by bewitchment. Other kids explained how they had been taken to churches and subjected by pastors to various forms of torture, and inhuman and degrading treatment, all in the name exorcism and deliverance. Most of the children had scars on their bodies. Some were still nursing wounds which they sustained in the course of this terrible experience. I was totally shocked and dumbfounded by what I saw. Particularly, I was stunned to hear that many of the kids had been in the camp for over three years. It was obvious that the local authorities had neglected and completely ignored this tragic situation. I was told that some officials of the Akwa Ibom State Government had visited the camp, but that nothing had been heard afterwards. So the camp and children were surviving on the limited donations they were receiving from overseas.

    So I was delighted to hear that on November 4, the documentary Saving Africa’s Witch Children was broadcast in the UK, on Channel 4. This documentary has brought to the attention of the world the pain, agony, abuse and trauma which these children have suffered and endured over the years. It has exposed to the world the intellectual anomie, cultural darkness, social stagnation, moral decadence and primitive mentality that prevail in Nigeria as a result of ignorance, poverty, superstition and religious fanaticism. It has also demonstrated graphically the greed, thievery, mischief and charlatanism of pastors and other men and women, who deceive, debase, defraud and degrade human beings in the name of God. Witch-hunting is history in the western world, but in Nigeria and in Africa it is an ongoing experience.

    Now, the question is: How do we save these children?

    First of all we need to raise money to support them and provide them with basic necessities of life: food, shelter, clothing and education. The children need medical care, counselling and rehabilitation programs. The government of Akwa Ibom State must wake up to its duties and responsibilities. The police should investigate and ensure that parents and the persons who perpetrated these atrocities – including the pastors who aided and abetted these criminal acts – are adequately punished.

    More importantly long-term, we need to launch a nationwide campaign against superstition and belief in witchcraft. Nigerians should be told that witches are not real, and that witches and spirits are imaginary entities created by primitive minds during the infancy of human race to explain situations and issues they could not understand or resolve commonsensically. This campaign should be taken to all Nigerian schools, colleges and universities. It should be publicized over the radios and television, in the newspapers, in market places, in churches and mosques.

    In particular, we need to check the activities of our so called pastors and other self styled men and women of God who use the Bible or Holy books to perpetrate and justify atrocious acts and human right abuses. These religious charlatans continue to act and preach in ways that reinforce the belief in witches and provoke acts of witch accusation, persecution and killing. This has been the driving force in Akwa Ibom State, and until Nigerians learn to reject superstition and irrationalism such tragedies will continue to occur.

    In most cases pastors invoke the Biblical verse Exodus 22:18, which says “Thou shall not suffer a witch to live”, to justify their position, so we also need combat this wave of Pentecostalism that promotes literal interpretation and blind faith in the “word of God”. To save the witch-children in Nigeria and rescue this nation from witch-believing forces, we need to get all Nigerians to exercise their common sense, reason and critical intelligence when practicing or professing their religion or belief. This is especially important when they are reading, preaching and interpreting messages and doctrines contained in their holy books.

    (c) Leo Igwe 2008. Permission granted for non-profit re-publication, although please acknowledge authorship. The author asserts his moral rights.

    First published at Bartholomew’s Notes on Religion on December 12, 2008.

  • Iran: A female revolution

    What we are witnessing in Iran is not only a movement against a dictatorship and for political freedom; it is not only a movement against poverty and socio-economic injustice and for equality and prosperity; it is a movement against religious institution, hypocrisy, corruption and superstition. In this context, it is for cultural and moral emancipation as well. The political uprising in Iran has a strong anti-religious character.

    30 years of religious oppression has created a generation which wants to emancipate itself from any religious domination, restriction or meddling. 30 years of imprisonment by a brutal religious state, which has interfered in the most private spheres of people’s lives, a state run by the most greedy, corrupt and dehumanized men of god, has created a society ready to de-religionise itself and ready to rid itself of religious rules and customs. Iran is on the verge of a new age of Enlightenment.

    Women’s liberation movement: a revolutionary force

    The women’s liberation movement is the most important player in the fight against the Islamic Republic. WLM is the antithesis of the Islamic regime. The Islamic regime promotes a misogynist ideology. Subordination and enslavement of women is its credo, the Islamic veil is its flag and gender apartheid is fundamental to its political system. WLM is not able to achieve any significant advancement without first doing away with this regime. The women’s liberation movement in Iran embodies a revolutionary liberating force.

    In the struggle for women’s freedom and equality, the women’s liberation movement transfers the society as well. A society where women are free and enjoy equal status will not tolerate religious tyranny or religious rule. As Marx so brilliantly put it: “the measure of a society’s freedom is women’s freedom.” The women’s liberation movement in Iran is the epitome of this. The high status of the women’s liberation movement in the society and the resilience with which it has carried out an extremely difficult struggle validate this thesis.

    Women proved to be a prominent opposition force to the Islamic regime. The first large demonstration against the regime was organised by women and for women’s rights. Khomeini’s ruling on compulsory veiling for female employees gave rise to an immediate protest on the streets of Tehran and some other large cities on 8 March 1979 followed by a week of demonstrations, mass meetings and sit-ins by thousands of women. They managed to inflict the first national defeat on the regime. This was the beginning of a thirty-year tense and hostile relationship between women and the regime.

    The Islamic republic was forced to define its main character vis-à-vis the women’s liberation movement. Its ideological and moral war against women has been one of the most demanding battles it had to wage. Women’s issues never left the political scene. Ever since its inception, it had to deal with women’s demands. Many women as well as men have lost their lives or suffered immensely for challenging the misogynist order and for defying the rules of gender apartheid.

    By fighting a long and hard battle against the most misogynist political system in the modern history, the women’s liberation movement in Iran has become an impressive and strong force with remarkable liberating potentials. The women’s question proved to be the Islamic regime’s Achilles heel. The irony is that those who the Islamic regime regarded as sub humans, worthy of men’s slaves, have come to the streets and are fighting it tooth and nail. This movement has far-reaching potentials. It would not only liberate women in Iran but also open up a whole new door to women in the region and in societies living under the grip of Islam. The women’s liberation movement has come to haunt the Islamist movement.

    Islam being challenged as never before

    The political uprising in Iran has already touched the whole world. The role women are playing in it has stunned the world. The developments in Iran have challenged what we were told by the mainstream media and academia about Iranian society and its socio-political and cultural fabric. Repeatedly we have been told that Iran is an Islamic society; people are not against the Islamic republic or Islamic rules and customs. They only want some minor changes.

    Believing this would have led us to regard the people in Iran as some masochist bunch who like to be tortured to practice “their culture and beliefs.” Otherwise, why was such a sophisticated system of oppression and torture necessary? The cases of executing people by cranes on the streets, stoning women and men for engaging in sex outside marriage, flogging women for not observing the Islamic dress code are so abundant; a large army of thugs is employed to oversee that Islam is observed. Facing these known facts about the Iranian society would discredit all these superficial assumptions by “Iran experts.” A very simple question would come to mind: If people wanted to practice Islam then why has such display of brutality become necessary?

    People in Iran are freeing themselves from the rule of religion. They are rebelling against a religious tyranny and all interference of religion in their lives. People’s uprising in Iran will do to Islam what the French Revolution did to Christianity and the Church in the West. Just as the coming to power of an Islamic regime in Iran was a great boost to the Islamic movement and Islam as a religion/ideology, the overthrow of it will too be a great blow to this reactionary, misogynist and brutal movement. The political events in Iran thirty years ago transformed Islamists from a marginal political force to a major force, which came to play an important role in the regression of the societies under the grip of Islam, particularly the situation of women. The 1979-defeated revolution in Iran was a renaissance of the Islamic movement.

    Islam’s renaissance as a “liberation ideology”

    Islam as a religion and ideology and the Islamist movement owe their renaissance to the coming to power of an Islamic regime in Iran. The circumstances in which the Islamic regime gained power in Iran were a major factor. Coming to power as a result of a popular uprising against the most devoted ally of the Western powers, known as an American ”puppet”, gave Islam an ideological impetus, previously unknown. In order to maintain its power, the Islamic regime was forced to take on a “militant” anti-American stance. The Islamic regime’s existence has very much depended on this so-called anti-imperialist façade.

    In 1979 Iran, the left was popular. The larger section of the left was populist in its character and it could therefore easily fall for any anti-American act. The Islamic regime had different factions from the beginning. The faction, which planned the occupation of the American embassy, saved the regime from the increasing leftist, workers and women’s protests and assaults. This action disarmed the populist left. Resorting to the well-known tactic of creating an external enemy to unify the masses behind it, in addition to stage-managing a fight against the USA, saved the regime in Iran and raised its profile as an anti-imperialist force regionally as well as internationally.

    In the 1980s when the established anti-imperialist traditions were loosing momentum and facing ideological defeat (the collapse of state capitalism in Soviet Union and the Eastern block) the new Islamic movement presented itself as a viable substitute. Islamists as a backward trend had long opposed modernization process in the region and were against Western values and culture. The anti-Western sentiments of the Islamic movement corresponded with the nationalist, anti-colonialist tendencies of a section of the intellectuals in the region.

    The process by which the Islamic Republic came to power in Iran, gave rise to a new Islamist trend, a so-called anti imperialist trend which offered its own kind of “liberation theology” to the masses of the people who lived under brutal dictatorships supported by Western powers. Furthermore, the demagogic populist propaganda used by this movement helped falsify a totally inhuman, misogynist and backward ideology as a so-called “liberation ideology.”

    Indeed the international situation has helped it a great deal. Islamists have risen to a formidable position of a pole in opposition to a state terrorist pole led by the USA. These factors explain the appeal of the Islamist movement for sections of the masses and the young generation in the Middle East and North Africa who are fed up with the corrupt dictatorships under which they are forced to live, by Israel’s daily humiliation of Palestinians and the abuse of their rights, and finally by the war on Iraq.

    In a void of alternatives, in a situation that any progressive and humane organisations are banned, Islamists succeeded to present themselves as a force that voices people’s grievances. In societies where poverty is rampant, living conditions are appalling and inequality, discrimination and injustice are commonplace, the complete absence of any freedom to express discontent, protest or organise for change, leaves people no choice, but to resort to the only option available, i.e. the Islamist movement. Moreover, certain so-called left-wing trends, which so readily ignore any violation of basic civil rights and economic rights of the people in order to fight America, support this brutal, reactionary and misogynist regime. For thirty years, this regime has financially, ideologically and morally supported a terrorist movement, which has terrorized, first and foremost, the people in the region. Therefore, a fight against the Islamist movement and Islamism is a political fight as well as an ideological one. The uprising in Iran is capable of leading this fight in both fields.

    Iran 2009, France 1789

    Islam has never experienced a challenge similar to the one Christianity faced in18th century Europe. The uprising of the people in Iran against the Islamic regime tears this perverted liberation theology to shreds. Events in Iran are not only pulling down a political system, they are also revolutionizing the mindset of the world vis-a-vis Islam and the role Islam plays in the societies under its grip. This process has been facilitated and expedited by one important factor, the fact that, thanks to new technology and the technology-savvy young generation in Iran, this uprising is unfolding in front of the eyes of the whole world. People of the world have seen live how people, particularly women in Iran have come to the streets defiant of batons, tear gas, warm ammunition, brutal torture and gang rapes to demand their freedom. It is no accident that Neda has become the icon of people’s uprising in Iran; the young woman whose tragic death on a street of Tehran was captured on a mobile phone and transmitted to the homes of millions around the world. Neda became the symbol of people’s resilience and bravery. She became the icon of a female revolution against a regime, which regards women as half-human.

    Those supposedly weaker and ‘half human’ women are challenging, not only a misogynist system, but Islam as well. They are led by their great aspirations for freedom. Even if the fear of a brutal dictatorship does not allow them to express freely what they want; even if 30 years of oppression and censorship has created an involuntary defensive cap inside their minds, as a self-censorship sensor to limit their scope and aspirations; the aspiration for a total emancipation lives in them and has been awakened. Even if the invincible appearance of the regime had forced them to resign to pragmatism and balance of power for three decades, they have overcome their fear and are challenging the force of intimidation.

    Women in Iran sent shivers down the spine of the Islamic fundamentals. The long struggle against the Islamic Republic and for equal rights and freedom has not spared Islam. The young generation, particularly women have repeatedly ridiculed the religious ceremonies and sanctities. In their fight against gender apartheid, they have gone as far as breaking the rules and ‘sacredness’ of the Friday prayer.

    One of the most important fundamentals of Islam is gender apartheid. This principle permeates all religious dogmas and rules. Prayer, itself a pillar of Islam, must stay sexually segregated at all costs; the rationale behind this is that the sight of a woman arouse men sexually and therefore lead them to sin and spoil their precious moments with god. In Friday or mass prayers, women and men are completely separated, even though women must be veiled and covered from head to toe. What is very ironic is that women must be veiled even when they pray alone, that is, when they are alone with god. One cannot help but think that this is prescribed to save god from sinning!

    But Friday July 17 was an exception in the history of Islam. On this day, a historic event took place in Tehran. On July 17, Hashemi Rafsanjani, a leading and prominent figure in the Islamic Republic, addressed the Friday prayer. Rafsanjani is an opponent of Ahmadinejad and a tacit supporter of Mir Hossein Mousavi. This day arrived in a climate of great anticipation. Since it was announced that Rafsanjani was to address the Friday prayer, speculations began circulating over what he would say, whom he would side with and the aftermath of the prayer.

    The state reformist tendencies begged him to “stand firm.” The international media discussed him and his family’s positions and history. “The Iran Desks” became saturated with Rafsanjani’s info. It was self evident that he would by no means discredit the Islamic regime, without which he would fall from power, and risk loosing not only his monumental wealth which he has amassed in the past thirty years, but also his freedom. He is among the top list of the Islamic regime’s leaders whom people want to bring to trial for crimes against humanity.

    Rafsanjani did not say anything extraordinary. However, Friday July 17, 2009 became a historic day not only in the history of the Islamic Republic, but Islam itself. A large rally took place in Tehran. Women and men together walked towards the University of Tehran, where the Friday prayers take place. Close to the university, the crowd had to pray to justify their assembly there. On that day, the world witnessed a mixed-sex prayer in Tehran. Many women with a small veil on their heads, with makeup, along with male protestors joined the prayer ceremony. In this respect, Friday 17 July was a turning point in political developments in Iran.

    In these intense political developments, Islam’s sanctity is being stripped away. People’s mockery has spared no divine laws in Islam. The clergies are the most despised section of the society. Religious institution is regarded as the most corrupt, greedy and untrustworthy social, political or ideological institution. The folklore is full of stories to discredit the clergy as hypocrites, backstabbers and thieves. Most jokes in Iran today target the clergy and Islamic system.

    Once this regime is down to its knees, all signs of Islamic domination and laws will be dismantled. The society will hail its emancipation from religious dominance. Politically, secularism will be enshrined in the country’s constitution. Socially, an anti-religion trend will dominate. In culture and art an avant-garde movement for enlightenment flourishes. And all these will have far-reaching effects transcending borders. The uprising in Iran will revolutionize the socio-political climate of the region. A marginalized Islam in Iran will be a great assault to Islam and its sanctity internationally.

    1 August 2009

    * Mansoor Hekmat coined the phrase ‘A female revolution’ in a seminar entitled: “Will Communism succeed in Iran?” At Marx Society, London, February 2001.

  • The Uses of Common Sense

    A great deal of ink has been spilled in the course of Western
    philosophy over the question of whether or not the material
    world exists. Some great minds have been led to insanity by
    the possibility that it does not; others have accepted their
    nihilism cheerfully. But just about all philosophers, whether
    they came from the tradition of empiricism and skepticism,
    like Hume, or from that of idealism, like Hegel, were
    eventually forced into a sort of extreme subjectivism,
    concluding that we do not, in fact, exist, and that the world
    is merely the product of our imagination. Various
    philosophers accepted this solipsism to a greater or lesser
    degree, but it formed the essential tenor of philosophy in the
    modern world.

    This is rather alarming for those of us who stroll around in
    the non-philosophical world, putting one foot in front of the
    other on the hasty presumption that the ground exists and will
    be there to meet it. Most of us are probably frightened by
    the threat of nothingness which lies at the heart of this sort
    of thinking, which is why I’ve heard so many people describe
    philosophy as “depressing.” But unfortunately, there’s no
    way around these conclusions. It is entirely possible that
    the material world does not exist, that it is the product of
    our imagination.

    The breakthrough of the analytical philosophers, particularly
    Bertrand Russell, however, was to point out that, simply
    because something is possible, that does not make it true.
    This is where common sense comes in and allows us to
    distinguish between one possible proposition and another. For
    instance, it may be true that every person I’ve ever known is
    the product of my imagination. However, it may also be true
    that what our common sense tells us is correct, and that
    people have an independent existence. What is more, the
    second option has probability on its side. This is
    illustrated by the following example. Suppose I see a
    stranger out of the corner of my eye on a city street. I will
    probably not think anything of her, especially if I do not see
    her again for another twenty years. But at the end of those
    twenty years, when I do encounter her, she will appear twenty
    years older. Now, it is possible that I have an incredibly
    brilliant and far-reaching imagination which is capable of
    keeping tabs on every stranger I encounter and making sure
    that they all age whenever I’m not imagining I’m watching
    them, but this would be quite a feat. The more likely
    conclusion is that these strangers have an independent
    existence and material properties which cause them to age
    whether I am there or not.

    This is the value of common sense: it steps in where reason
    fails us. Of course, common sense may be wrong. It told
    Aristotle, for instance, that dung produces vermin, which no
    one believes today. Science often has to fight an uphill
    battle against common sense. But this underrated quality does
    get us through the day, and we all rely on it more than we are
    willing to admit. We do not steer clear of cliff edges, for
    example, because we know that the curvature of space-time
    causes massive bodies to exert force on one another, but
    rather, because of our common sense. Without it, we would
    surely all be dead by now.

    Common sense is not a replacement for reason, experience,
    scientific method, etc. But where these prove ineffective, we
    may be forced to use it, as in the above philosophical
    example. This brings me to my main purpose in this essay:
    religion and its relation to common sense. Religious people
    often deride atheists for their excessive reliance on reason.
    They regard us as arrogant eighteenth-century Whigs
    convinced that all the mysteries of the universe will
    eventually bow before our almighty reason. Little does it
    matter that it is far more arrogant to declare absolute
    knowledge about God and eternal life, as religious people do,
    than to say, along with the atheists and agnostics, that it is
    useless to make definite propositions about things which can
    neither be proved nor refuted.

    Atheists, at least in my experience, do admit that reason
    cannot conclusively solve all the questions of life. It can
    help make sense out of experience, intuit conclusions from
    masses of evidence, and connect one idea to another; it can
    also help us determine what is possible and what is
    impossible. But when it comes to determining between several
    possible conclusions, that is where common sense must aid us.
    We often rely on it to tell us that one thing is more
    probable than another.

    One of the favorite tactics of religious people and of the
    more militant “I don’t know” agnostics is to accuse atheists
    of having a pointless “faith” in the nonexistence of God.
    Everyone has her own absurd beliefs on the question, they say.
    Since none can be proved, why should atheists hold to their
    own view so firmly?

    Of course, your typical atheist does not say that there cannot
    possibly be a God; she says that she refuses to believe in one
    until she sees some evidence. All admit that there may be a
    God. There may also be a mystical creature called the Slynx
    which hangs by its tail from tall branches and drops onto
    unwary passersby. To say that one does not believe in either
    is not the same as declaring that both are outside the realm
    of possibility. This is where common sense makes its
    appearance. It is possible that the aforementioned Slynx
    exists in some deep woodland in Siberia or the American West.
    But because there have been no confirmed sightings of the
    Slynx in fraud-proof conditions, because no Slynx has been
    captured and put in a zoo, and because no unfortunate hikers
    are found in Yellowstone or Yosemite with unmistakable signs
    of Slynx manhandling, common sense tells us that it is more
    probable that there is no such thing. This assertion of
    probability is the only one that atheists are making.

    If we examine other religious questions we come to similar
    conclusions. Take, for instance, the question of the divine
    inspiration of scripture. Most religious people believe that
    their own preferred holy book was at least partially inspired
    by God, and some of the more tolerant believe that the same
    may be said of all scriptures (although most set L. Ron
    Hubbard’s Dianetics apart).

    Again, reason will only take us so far in all of this. It can
    help us determine what is possible, but beyond that, we are
    stymied. It is possible that there exists a God. This God
    may live in the sky or in a burning bush or with the Slynx in
    Siberia or outside of the material world entirely, as
    religious people now argue. It is also possible that this God
    inspired the Holy Scriptures. Reason does not tell us that
    this is necessarily either true or false, but common sense may
    point us in the right direction.

    First of all, the notion of the divine inspiration of
    scripture leads most people to conclusions which they cannot
    possibly accept, both ethically and empirically. One need
    only read the transcript of the Scopes Monkey trial to
    encounter a few obvious flaws in the Old Testament’s view of
    the world. As Clarence Darrow pointed out, while the Bible
    may not allow for the theory of evolution, it tells us a great
    many things as well which science has long since discarded.
    For instance, Joshua is described as demanding that the Sun
    stand still, which indicates that the Sun rotates around the
    Earth. Of course, many religious people do not today
    believe that this is the case.

    Most scriptures also teach ethical lessons which no one today
    can accept. If one seeks violent pornography, one need not
    read the Marquis de Sade, but simply open the Bible. This
    includes a scene (chapter 19 of Judges) in which a “selfless”
    man takes in a stranger who is being pursued by a gang of
    rapists (this is not to be confused with the story of Sodom
    and Gomorrah, which begins with a similar premise). The
    selfless man in question offers the rapists his daughter and
    his concubine instead of the stranger, who, as a man, has a
    right not to be raped which the Old Testament does not grant
    to women. “Ravish them and do whatever you want to them,” the
    man declares. The rapists proceed to do just that, after the
    concubine is sent out to them. The next morning, apparently
    without reason, the selfless man “took a knife, and grasping
    his concubine, cut her into twelve pieces, limb by limb, and
    sent her throughout all the territory of Israel.”

    This sort of grotesque, directionless loathing of women can be
    found in nearly all scripture, and this is not to mention the
    other violations of human rights and dignity that they
    encourage. Islam, for instance, was developed by patriarchal
    chieftains who practiced polygamy and slavery. Mohammad
    himself married a girl as young as nine, which we would now
    describe as pedophilia, and engaged in slave raids on rival
    tribes. Meanwhile, Hindu scriptures such as the Manusmriti
    encourage one to pour molten lead in the ear of a member of
    the lower castes who forgets her place, and the Ramayana, an
    epic with holy status, describes Ram, the godly hero, driving
    his wife Sita to suicide by self-immolation.

    Few people today would accept these things
    unquestioningly. Of course, there are still Islamists who
    throw acid in the face of girls attempted to go to school, and
    there are still members of the upper castes in India who
    commit atrocities against Dalits, but among the intellectual
    defenders of religion, this sort is a rare breed (although we
    shouldn’t overlook the more or less openly misogynistic
    Islamist “scholars” who are considered by many to be part of
    the mainstream). Rather, these defenders make the claim that
    the parts of these scriptures we find objectionable were not
    the work of God but were added later by malicious human hands.
    For instance, most modern Hindus no longer accept the
    Manusmriti as legitimate scripture. Also, most now regard
    Ram’s treatment of Sita as a sort of lesson in how not to
    treat women, and regard Sita’s suicide as an act of defiance.
    This seems an alarming claim to make when women in
    Afghanistan, for instance, are currently immolating themselves
    in large number due to the hopelessness of their condition.
    Should we regard these suicides as acceptable, or only those
    which supposedly took place long ago?

    But if there are apparently human hands at work in these
    scriptures, and they are not merely God’s words, then how are
    we to determine what is sacred and what is profane? Our own
    reason and conscience? But then, as our collective ideas
    change, we are bound to discover still more human meddling in
    the body of these scriptures. For instance, one hopes that we
    will someday regard cruelty to animals the way we now regard
    slavery, or that we will view the belief in hell and eternal
    punishment as extraordinarily vicious. Then we will
    undoubtedly uncover more human work, while God’s share in the
    writing of the scriptures will seem smaller and smaller, so
    much so that one wonders why He deserves the credit of sole
    authorship.

    So, we are faced with two possibilities, and reason assures us
    that both are theoretically possible. Either God, writing
    thousands of years ago at different points of the globe,
    somehow miraculously forecasted our future humanitarian ideals
    and attempted to write them down, but various wicked human
    scribes got in the way and put in a lot of rot about slavery
    and misogyny which God did not intend. This is, I repeat, a
    possibility. The other possibility is that scriptures were
    human books written by various ruling elites in backward
    societies, many of whom owned slaves and regarded women as
    chattel.

    And this is where common sense comes in, and points out that
    one of the two possibilities has a great deal of probability
    on its side.

    There remains one final religious argument to consider: that
    of Karen Armstrong in her recent book, The Case for God.
    Armstrong argues that atheist thought is incapable of
    demolishing faith in God, because religious people and theist
    writers have a conception of God which Richard Dawkins, say,
    has failed to understand. This conception of God is not of
    some bearded fellow in the sky, but of an enormous, universal
    question mark. This God cannot be understood, described, or
    expressed in human language. It cannot even be said to
    “exist” per se. Rather, it represents the mystery of the
    cosmos, the great enigmas of existence, before which we are
    powerless.

    One does a double take when faced with an argument of this
    sort. If God does not exist, then Richard Dawkins is
    perfectly correct. If Karen Armstrong does not believe in a
    God which has an actual existence, which can wield an impact
    on the physical world, which can affect our daily lives, and
    which can be thought of in something resembling language—in
    short, if all she believes is that the universe is full of
    mystery—then clearly she is an atheist herself. No serious
    atheist has ever denied that the universe is full of mystery,
    wonder, and majesty. While scientists and rationalists may
    have the hubris to attempt to solve one or two of these
    mysteries instead of accepting powerlessness and defeat, this
    does not mean that they are the philistines Armstrong thinks
    they are. Richard Dawkins, for example, has frequently
    written of the beauty of literature, art, and the natural world.

    The true absurdity of Armstrong’s argument is that she
    believes that all religious traditions have been built around
    this conception of God as a non-existent non-God. Scriptures
    and dogmas have simply attempted to guide believers toward
    this mature understanding, she argues. We will leave aside
    the obvious fact that if God is conceived as non-existent and
    lacking supernatural power, then it is no longer a God and the
    believer becomes an atheist. Armstrong’s assertions about
    religious traditions do not seem credible. Granted that many
    modern theologians have been forced to adopt an increasingly
    distant and non-Godly conception of God, but this has nothing
    to do with the traditions they represent and everything to do
    with the progress of science, which has steadily eroded any
    rational basis for religious belief and pushed theologians
    into further and further backwaters of linguistic nonsense
    (Armstrong’s apparent assertion that God exists without
    existing is only the most recent example).

    All scriptures describe a God or several lesser gods who
    speak, act, and wield an impact on the material world. All
    have a will, all interfere with our lives, and all may change
    things as they see fit. It is possible that Karen Armstrong
    is correct, and all of this is intended allegorically. But
    why, we may ask, would religious people write allegories in
    order to express the opposite of what they say? If they were
    trying to convince people that God does not exist in an
    explicit sense, why would they write allegories in which He
    does? Finally, why would prayer, sacrifice, and the belief
    that God can fulfill one’s wishes be such a deeply ingrained
    aspect of all religious traditions if those traditions did not
    believe that God could wield an impact on the real world?

    Common sense is indeed on our side. We atheists, therefore,
    do not need to regard reason as the only human capacity of
    worth. Religious people have long since abandoned reason,
    after all, as Freud pointed out in The Future of an Illusion.
    But even common sense and ethical feeling are against them.
    We may therefore conclude that no human thought process of
    merit, other than wishful thinking, leads to religious
    conclusions. The forces which compel so many otherwise
    intelligent people to accept their value must be sought
    elsewhere. The task is a big one, intended for more expert
    hands than mine.